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Levon Zurabyan filed a crime report related to Pashinyan’s statement “I am the Government”

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Source: factor.am

Armenian National Congress Vice-Chairman Levon Zurabyan filed a criminal complaint regarding Prime Minister Pashinyan’s statement. Let us recall that the day before yesterday, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, responding to the observation that the Government had accepted that the Stockholm Arbitration Award was subject to mandatory execution, stated: “I am the Government, if there is anyone who contradicts my position, let them write an application right now and go.”

In this regard, Levon Zurabyan cited Article 42 of the RA Constitution on the right to freely express one’s opinion. “CONSTITUTION OF ARMENIA: “Article 42. Freedom of expression Everyone has the right to freely express his or her opinion. This right includes the freedom to hold one’s own opinion, as well as the freedom to seek, receive and disseminate information and ideas through any media, without interference by state and local self-government bodies and regardless of state borders.” LAW OF THE REPUBLIC OF ARMENIA ON THE STRUCTURE AND ACTIVITIES OF THE GOVERNMENT (Adopted on March 23, 2018). “Article 11. Government decisions 1. Decisions on legislative initiative and sub-legislative normative legal acts of the Government are adopted by a majority vote of the total number of members of the Government, by oral vote. Other decisions of the Government are adopted by a majority vote of the members of the Government participating in the session, by oral vote. Members of the Government participating in the session are obliged to participate in the vote. Members of the Government vote for or against. In case of a tie, the Prime Minister’s vote is decisive.” NIKOL PASHINIAN. “No one in the Government can have a position that contradicts my position. I am the Government. If there are people who have a position that contradicts my position, let them write an application and leave the buildings. If not, I will remove them myself.” REPORT ON A CRIMINAL OFFENSE. This statement by Nikol Pashinyan contains the features of an act provided for by Article 441 of the Criminal Code. Due to the fact of the commission of an apparent crime, I demand that the Prosecutor General of the Republic of Armenia accept this note as a report on the commission of an alleged crime and initiate criminal proceedings on the fact. CRIMINAL CODE OF THE RA. “Article 441 Abuse of power or official authority or influence resulting from them by an official or abuse of authority 1. The use by an official of his power or official authority or influence resulting from them to the detriment of state or official interests, or failure to perform or improper performance of his official duty, or the commission of an act that does not arise from his authority or is beyond the scope of his authority, which has caused significant damage to the rights, freedoms or legitimate interests of a person or organization or the legitimate interests of society or the state, is punishable by a fine in the amount of twenty to forty times the minimum wage, or by deprivation of the right to hold certain positions or engage in certain activities for a term of three to seven years, or by restriction of liberty for a term of one to three years, or by short-term imprisonment for a term of one to two months, or by imprisonment for a term of one to four years. 2. The act provided for in Part 1 of this Article, which: 1) was committed by using violence or by threatening to use violence…,” Zurabyan wrote.

You can read the full article at this address: https://factor.am/925324.html?

Draft Letter to Armenian Legal Scholars / Armenian Bar Association

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Subject: Request for Legal Action Regarding Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan
Dear Esteemed Scholars and Members of the Armenian Bar Association,

I am writing to you out of deep concern for the Republic of Armenia, the Armenian nation, and the future of our people. The actions of Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan raise urgent legal, constitutional, and moral questions that, in my view, demand immediate examination by the legal community and possible accountability before the law.

When Pashinyan came to power, he did so by presenting himself as the leader of a movement against corruption, promising honesty, justice, and democracy. Yet, the record of his governance reveals a very different reality.

  • He held multiple undisclosed meetings with Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev, without informing the Armenian people or even members of his own government.
  • He presided over the so-called 44-day war of 2020, which ended in a sudden capitulation on November 9. This decision was made without consultation with Armenia’s foreign minister, parliament, or the Armenian public.
  • After this, vast portions of Artsakh were surrendered without referendum, parliamentary debate, or national consensus.
  • Hundreds of Armenian villages were likewise handed over, again without public mandate.
  • The so-called “Zangezur Corridor” was conceded under the same secretive circumstances, with no referendum or constitutional process.
  • Most recently, instead of welcoming recognition of the Armenian Genocide by Israel and other nations, Pashinyan publicly undermined the matter, suggesting it was irrelevant to the interests of Armenia, and framing it as mere “geopolitical bargaining.” This statement effectively minimizes and denies one of the most painful truths of Armenian history.

Taken together, these actions raise serious issues of abuse of power, violation of constitutional duty, and betrayal of national sovereignty. They appear to bypass democratic processes and ignore the fundamental rights of the Armenian people to be consulted on existential issues of territory, security, and historical justice.

For these reasons, I respectfully urge Armenian legal scholars, jurists, and diaspora legal associations to consider avenues of accountability — whether through constitutional challenges, international legal instruments, or diaspora-led legal action.

History has shown us that silence enables injustice. Today, it is vital that the Armenian nation’s legal institutions rise to their duty: to protect the Republic, to uphold the Constitution, and to ensure that no leader can unilaterally dismantle the rights and dignity of the Armenian people.

With respect and urgency,

Wally Sarkeesian

Pashinyan’s: Betrayal, Silence, and the Price of Power

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By Wally Sarkeesian

In every nation’s history, there comes a moment when the people must ask whether their leaders serve the nation or serve themselves. For Armenians, that question has grown sharper in recent years as painful events unfolded around Artsakh, Syunik, and the broader struggle for sovereignty. Many now fear that instead of protecting the homeland, the political leadership has chosen the easier path of compromise, cooperation with adversaries, and suppression of the very citizens who once defended the nation’s dignity.

At the heart of the frustration lies a sense of betrayal. Armenia’s leadership once claimed it lacked the mandate to negotiate over Artsakh, insisting that the people’s will could not be bargained away. Yet after the disastrous war of 2020, that very stance collapsed. Negotiations shifted toward territorial concessions, and the narrative turned from safeguarding Armenian rights to managing surrender in the name of “peace.”

But peace has not followed. Instead, Armenians have seen the erosion of national security, the hollowing out of political accountability, and a campaign of pressure against some of the country’s most successful business figures—men and women who, in years past, devoted resources to Artsakh’s survival. Rather than being celebrated as patriots, they became scapegoats in a new political order where loyalty to the ruling elite seemed more important than loyalty to the nation.

Meanwhile, the adversary across the border boasts of military might and spreads Armenophobic rhetoric unchecked. Armenia’s silence in the face of such hostility feels less like diplomacy and more like acquiescence. When leaders speak of “historic opportunities for peace,” many Armenians hear only the echo of past betrayals: the November 2020 capitulation, the quiet surrender of borderlands, and now the chilling prospect of deeper concessions in Syunik.

The spectacle is bitter. While political leaders stand smiling beside their counterparts, Armenians see their own people—entrepreneurs, community builders, defenders of Artsakh—treated as expendable. The image is not one of peace, but of conspiracy: two powerful hands raised together, while ordinary Armenians and patriots are left behind bars, both figuratively and literally.

What is at stake is larger than the fate of any single leader or oligarch. It is the question of national dignity. Can Armenia survive when its most capable voices are silenced? Can Artsakh’s legacy endure when the defenders of its cause are punished, not honored? Can peace be trusted when built on secrecy, silence, and the imprisonment of those who stood for Armenian survival?

History is unforgiving. Those who trade sovereignty for short-term security often discover that they lose both. If today Armenia appears weaker, more fractured, and more vulnerable, it is not because of the Armenian people, but because of the choices of a political elite that mistook submission for strategy.

For many Armenians, the dream remains the same: a free, secure homeland where leaders defend rather than betray, where businessmen who supported Artsakh are recognized rather than persecuted, and where peace is built on dignity rather than capitulation. Until then, the silence of the powerful will only deepen the anger of the people—and the shadow of betrayal will haunt Armenia’s future.

Armenia at a Crossroads: Pashinyan’s Grip on Power

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By Wally Sarkeesian

Armenian Ruthless Dictator Nikol Pashinyan has transformed Armenia’s security landscape in ways that raise serious concerns about the country’s democratic future. While the military has been steadily weakened, the police have been expanded into a formidable force—larger than the army itself and trained with the assistance of foreign governments. This shift has not only undermined Armenia’s defenses but has also consolidated a domestic apparatus designed to protect Pashinyan’s rule rather than the nation.

The scale of his power is symbolized by his outsized motorcade—reportedly larger than that of the President of the United States. Such excess reflects more than personal vanity; it underscores the extent to which state resources are being directed toward securing the leader rather than serving the people.

Most troubling are Pashinyan’s warnings to the public: support his proposed peace treaty or prepare for revolution. This is not the language of a statesman seeking national unity but of a ruler confident in his ability to crush dissent. Over the past seven years, thousands of Armenians have been imprisoned for little more than voicing opposition. Today, prisons hold political detainees ranging from religious leaders to prominent business figures.

Armenia now faces a stark question. Will its people continue to endure a government increasingly accused of serving foreign interests, or will they find the unity to reclaim their democratic voice? The answer will define not only Armenia’s present but its future as a sovereign nation.

“My Mother’s Tears: The Unending Genocide”

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By Wally Sarkeesian

Armenian Genocide, Artsakh Genocide, Now Gaza Genocide, by Turkey, Azerbaijan, Israel

I created Gagrule.net in 2000, not because of politics, not even because I am Armenian, but because I grew up with my mother’s tears. Every time she heard a song, she would burst into tears. “This was my cousin’s song… this was my uncle’s song,” she would say. As children, we never understood why the music broke her heart.

The truth was too heavy. They kept the horror inside. They couldn’t speak of the unspeakable crimes—the genocide the Turks committed against our people. My mother was only six when her life was spared. Some stranger threw her onto the back of a donkey and saved her. That’s how close she came to being lost forever.

On my father’s side, it was no different. Half the family is gone. Children slaughtered. Women stolen. The lucky few who survived joined the Armenian fighters, holding on to scraps of life. Most were massacred.

This pain lives in us. It passes from generation to generation. That is why, when I see Gaza today, I feel it in my bones. We Armenians know this grief. We know the silence of the world. Israel, Turkey, and Azerbaijan—they continue the same path of genocide and ethnic cleansing. The world still does nothing.

And when I look at our fellow Armenians in **Artsakh—Karabakh—our people who lived on that land for thousands of years—**I see the same tragedy repeat itself in the 21st century. The criminal regime of Azerbaijan ethnically cleansed Armenians from their homeland, murdering thousands. And this time, they had help from within—help from Armenia’s own so-called leader, Nikol Pashinyan, in one of the greatest conspiracies against the Armenian nation.

When I hear Israel speak now, I remember the words Hitler used when he invaded Poland. He told his troops, “Who today remembers the Armenians?”

That is why we must remember. That is why I cannot stay silent.

Conversation Part 2 — One Party for Armenians

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By Wally Sarkeesian

Conversation Part 2 — One Party for Armenians

I have never in my life joined any political party or organization — and that’s exactly why I can speak freely. I’ll tell you why: in Armenia, political parties are not built to serve the people. They are built to divide them.

Seventeen parties… fifty parties… one hundred parties — the number doesn’t matter. The result is always the same: chaos, division, weakness. Pashinyan mastered the “divide and conquer” strategy, and he played it to perfection — Armenia paid the price.

And if that wasn’t enough, we have twenty more so-called organizations in the diaspora, each pulling in its own direction, tearing our nation apart like vultures over a carcass.

This madness must end.
One Armenia. One voice. One power.

Armenia must adopt a Swiss-style government, where the president and prime minister serve only one term — one year — before rotating. No one should hold power long enough to corrupt it.

Because with multiple parties, we will never win.
Division is our greatest enemy.
Unity is our only hope.
And united — we cannot be defeated.

Part 1: Artsakh Liberation Is Possible — So Is Nakhichevan

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By Wally Sarkeesian

Part 1: Artsakh Liberation Is Possible — So Is Nakhichevan

Some people doubt it, but it’s absolutely doable. The first step — the most important step — is removing and investigating the criminal in power. We must find out exactly how the Turks recruited him, how the plan for the 2020 war was crafted between him, Aliyev, and Turkey.

Armenia wasn’t defeated by its people or its soldiers — it was betrayed by its leaders. This betrayal has divided Armenians like never before. You can see it everywhere, even in online posts — Armenians swearing at each other, driven apart by the hatred sown by Pashinyan’s regime.

What Armenia needs now is leadership that can unite the people. Whoever comes to power must also embrace the Diaspora — the way Israel does. In Israel, the government is filled with people from the Diaspora, bringing expertise and global perspective. Armenia must drop its prejudice against the Diaspora and bring in the best minds from the U.S., France, Russia, Canada, and beyond to build a new government and a modern system.

The corrupt police system must be dismantled. Keep only a small police force for traffic and civilian needs — the rest should be in military uniform, sent to the borders, trained, and prepared for war. Armenia doesn’t need oppressive internal policing. Armenians are a peaceful people; they know each other, they are family and neighbors.

This is just the beginning of the conversation. There’s much more to say — and much more to plan. Join the conversation…

Armenia have gain nothing from the so called peace:
In 2002, the two nations discussed a land swap, in which Armenia would gain access to Nagorno-Karabakh, and Azerbaijan would gain access to Nakhchivan through a southern corridor (then called the “Meghri corridor”).

Now that Nagorno-Karabakh has been recaptured by Azerbaijan, it’s unclear what Armenia will gain in return for giving Azerbaijan access to this southern corridor. This might hinder the deal’s implementation, since Azerbaijan wants Armenia to amend its constitution to “eliminate territorial claims against Azerbaijan.” If Armenians don’t see any upside, the referendum to amend the constitution may fail.

“Trump’s Corridor Deal: Genocide Whitewash, Armenia at Risk”

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By Wally Sarkeesian

Trump’s TRIPP Corridor: Whitewashing Genocide, Burying Section 907, and Turning Armenia Into a Geopolitical Battleground”

Trump has single-handedly whitewashed the ethnic cleansing of Artsakh, buried Section 907 of the U.S. Freedom Support Act, and handed Azerbaijan and Turkey their long-coveted corridor — all under U.S. oversight. Branded as the “Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity” (TRIPP), this isn’t a harmless transit link. It’s a NATO-aligned lifeline connecting Turkey and Israel to Azerbaijan through Armenia’s sovereign territory, deliberately excluding Russia and Iran. Both powers will see it as a provocation they cannot ignore, cutting across their vital North–South trade route.

For Trump, it’s a cheap geopolitical stunt — a photo op to score points and pressure Moscow over Ukraine. For Armenia, it’s a high-risk gamble that could turn the country into a battlefield in the looming U.S.–Russia–Iran confrontation. And the agreement’s talk of “building trust” between Armenia and Azerbaijan? That’s pure cynicism, when one side has committed blockade, invasion, and genocide without consequence.

“Armenia’s ‘Peace’ Deal: A Paper Shield That Paves the Way for Azerbaijan’s Final Conquest”

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By Karnig Kerkonian

A PAPER SHIELD. #Armenia just published the “peace” agreement initialed with Azerbaijan in Washington. Unfortunately, it will not halt an already-emboldened #Azerbaijan from completing its conquest of Armenia. You see, the real story is what’s not in the text. There is no mention of #NagornoKarabakh, no sign of Armenian #POWs, no word of international security guarantees, and no Azerbaijani withdrawal from Armenian territory. This is the gift of Armenia’s appeasement-based approach to peace. “If we just lower the bar on Artsakh,” the Armenian PM said in April 2022, “the international community will help us.” Three years on, he’s not even permitted to use the word “Artsakh”. That said, the “peace” treaty does a few things really well. It normalizes Azerbaijan’s ongoing (and multiple) military aggressions against Armenia and #Artsakh. It whitewashes Baku’s ongoing genocidal intent (remember the exterminator in the Hazmat suit, the blockade and ethnic cleansing, the ongoing destruction of Armenian cultural heritage, the “Western Azerbaijan” narrative). And it lays bare Armenia in a hyper-militarized South Caucasus (no foreign troops in Armenia, while Azerbaijan surely will ask Turkey and Israel to take their weapons, logistics and foreign intelligence and just leave). How can this go wrong for Armenia? The ridiculous double-speak in the text is almost as blatant as the spinsters trying to put lipstick on this pig. For example, the new partners in “peace” claim to champion consistency with international law in the text—yet, in the very same breath, they agree to withdraw the international cases against Azerbaijan and kill enforcement of the #ICJ decisions which hold Baku in violation of international law. Yup, that makes sense. Sadly, the world has been here before. Hitler signed the Munich Treaty promising peace—right before engulfing Europe in war and genocide, slaughtering millions of human beings. That “peace” treaty polled quite well in Europe in 1938—until, of course, it enabled the execution of the Holocaust. The lesson? Appeasement does not work, particularly where there is genocidal intent. History really is a tough teacher. And I am afraid that, here too, history will prove more dispositive as to what comes next than this paper shield ever will.

Nobel Peace Prize for Trump Road for Azerbaijan; Nothing for Armenia

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By Harut Sassounian

As expected, Pres. Donald Trump turned the White House Summit for “peace” in the Caucasus into a farcical show, constantly engaging in self-flattery, taking credit for things he had not done, blaming Pres. Biden, and frequently straying from the subject of the meeting.

Trump had only one purpose for organizing this White House event: to secure the Nobel Peace Prize for allegedly brokering peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan, claiming it was something no one else could achieve in 35 years.

In a post on his Truth Social platform, Trump shamelessly glorified himself: “Many leaders have tried to end the War, with no success, until now, thanks to ‘TRUMP.’” He also took credit for settling several other conflicts in which he had zero involvement. He conveniently failed to mention his arrogant campaign promise to resolve the war in Ukraine “within 24 hours of taking office.” He has now been President for seven months, yet the war persists.

Cunningly, both Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and Pres. Ilham Aliyev, aware of Trump’s egotistical tendencies, eagerly engaged in groveling behavior. They even offered to sign a joint letter urging the Nobel Committee to award Trump the Peace Prize — a gesture that delighted him.

The serious issue of addressing the disputed transit road from mainland Azerbaijan to its Nakhichevan exclave through Armenia quickly degenerated into farce with the announcement that it would be called “Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity” (TRIPP) — yet another example of Trump’s vanity.

The “Peace Treaty” Pashinyan has been touting for months was not signed as announced, but merely initialed during last week’s White House Summit, rendering it a non-binding document. Aliyev has no interest in signing the treaty, knowing that doing so would eliminate his leverage to demand further concessions from Pashinyan, who has thus far capitulated to all his demands. Aliyev will delay signing the treaty until Pashinyan fulfills yet another Azeri demand to amend Armenia’s Constitution, a process that will take 10 more months.

Armenians remain unaware of the “Peace Treaty’s” terms. It is reportedly set for release on August 11. We will then discover what kind of concessions Pashinyan has made to Azerbaijan. He is also violating the pledge he made in 2018 to a large crowd in Yerevan’s Republic Square that he would not sign any agreement without first securing their approval.

Pashinyan has deceived the Armenian public by claiming he is delivering peace to Armenia — hoping that such a promise will help him retain his seat after next year’s parliamentary elections. For Aliyev, this so-called “Peace Treaty” is merely a piece of paper he can violate at will after signing. Should Azerbaijan attack Armenia, neither Eastern nor Western powers will intervene. The Armenian public should not vainly expect the U.S. government to send troops to defend Armenia’s borders. The memorandum signed last Friday makes clear that this is strictly a commercial, not military, arrangement.

There are numerous problems with Pashinyan’s contradictory positions. Months ago, when an Armenian journalist asked if he would consider granting management of the transit road to an international organization, he categorically rejected the idea. Yet, he just handed the transit road road foeign entity.

Here is another broken promise. A few months ago, when Aliyev demanded that Armenia agree to disband OSCE’s Minsk Group of mediators, Pashinyan said he would do so upon signing the “Peace Treaty.” Yet, last Friday Pashinyan signed the White House Memorandum calling for the dissolution of the Minsk Group — even though Aliyev had not signed the treaty.

More ominously, the initialed “Peace Treaty” contains no provision for the release of Armenian hostages held in Baku, withdrawal of Azeri troops from Armenia’s territory occupied since 2021, or the right of return for 120,000 displaced Artsakh Armenians, despite the International Criminal Court’s ruling for their repatriation. This is a reward for Aliyev’s criminal behavior. Until Azerbaijan reverses course on these issues, Pashinyan should have refused to initial or sign the treaty. I hope he is not relying on promises from Trump, who refused to recognize the Armenian Genocide on April 24 — even though Congress and Pres. Biden had recognized it.

In 2020, Armenia agreed to provide Azerbaijan with a transit road through its territory in exchange for the Lachin Corridor linking Artsakh to Armenia. Since then, Azerbaijan has occupied Artsakh and the Lachin Corridor, eliminating Armenia’s obligation to uphold the ceasefire agreement. This transit link is the “Turan Road,” the Century-old dream of the Turkic world, connecting Turkey and Azerbaijan to the Turkic republics of Central Asia. Regrettably, these issues appear to matter little to Pashinyan, who is more focused on retaining his seat than protecting Armenia’s interests.

One of the major gains for Azerbaijan during last Friday’s White House ceremony was the suspension of Section 907 of the Freedom Support Act, passed by Congress in 1992, which prohibited direct U.S. government assistance to Azerbaijan. Now Azerbaijan is able to purchase billions of dollars’ worth of advanced U.S. weapons that could be used against Armenia. How does that promote peace?

No details were provided to the public about U.S. management of the transit road. Why was it granted for 99 years with an option to extend another 99 years — effectively handing it to the U.S. government indefinitely, at the expense of Armenia’s sovereignty? It is also unclear what benefit Armenia stands to gain from the billions of dollars’ worth of goods transiting its territory.

For years, Pashinyan objected to Aliyev’s demand for a “corridor” instead of a road through Armenia. A corridor implies that the transit road would be considered Azeri territory. Yet, when Pres. Trump spoke at the White House Summit, he referred to the road as a “corridor.” Furthermore, the agreement signed by the three leaders includes the problematic term “unimpeded” transit. What exactly does “unimpeded entail? Does it mean Armenia has no right to inspect the passports and luggage of those crossing into its territory from Azerbaijan?

Here is the bottom line of the White House Summit: Trump may get his Nobel Peace Prize; Aliyev, Erdogan, and the Turkic World will secure their transit through Armenia; meanwhile Armenia will outsource its sovereign territory and alienate Iran, its only regional ally.