Vakhtang Siradeghyan,
In one of my previous articles, I presented the phenomenon of government officials being silent on March 1, 2008. The event is really abnormal. Even officially, in the case of 4,000 victims and missing persons, only those who have moral problems can speak of 10 victims. The second phenomenon is no less abnormal. Demonstrate behavior in 2022 that could have been natural in April 2018. I would call the “heroes” of that show silent in the spring of 2018. This phenomenon is especially unnatural after the disgraceful defeat. These “heroes” (actually, anti-heroes) do not want to perceive that the spring revolution of 2018 ended in the fall of 2020 with a final defeat. And after that, they have no moral right to be guided by the spring mood of 2018. And in that case, 2021 does not matter. The victory of June 20, 2006 with the slogan “There is a future”, because it was a victory over the future of one’s own nation-state. Only those stateless creatures who have received a mandate at the expense of the votes of ignorant “poles” can not understand that.
Victory (Nikolism) with the slogan “There is a future” gives us new defeats. It brings new humiliations and insults to our heads.
And instead of thinking in that direction, the current government has dared to cut the inside of the country. So much for backpacks in general, their leader, the people who work with them. Today I want to single out one of them, whom I once respected. It is about the former Human Rights Defender, RA Minister of Justice Karen Andreasyan. The latter is not only one of those who remained silent in the spring of 2018, but also on December 9, 2013. Physically, of course, it is impossible, but mentally it is more than possible. The following article will testify about its possibility.
December 9 is known as International Anti-Corruption Day. On that day in 2013, the Human Rights Defender Andreasyan published an extraordinary report in which he questioned the fairness and credibility of the Court of Cassation. The mentioned part of the report was dedicated, according to the authors, to “court bribery tariffs”. Both the assessment of the Court of Cassation and especially the bribe tariffs were unheard of at that time. Of course, the second president of Armenia, Armen Harutyunyan, who held the post of ombudsman before him, called him his worst cadre, but Harutyunyan did not allow himself to do so. As a member of an anti-corruption NGO, its employee, the publication of bribe tariffs was like a thunderbolt for me in the cloudless sky, like the years of the third president of Armenia.
Former ombudsman, and today RA Minister of Justice Andreasyan, in the name of fighting corruption, supports his superior, the head of the executive branch, so that the judiciary is completely subordinated to him. Which, of course, is nonsense in a democratic country, as the current government has declared itself. Moreover, the minister has been engaged in this pro-Nikola case both through legislative and practical work. In the first case, a set of pieces of legislation is used to veto judges who do not obey Nicole’s instructions. In the second case, there is an uninterrupted scheme: the minister applies to the BJC (Supreme Judicial Council) with a proposal to initiate disciplinary proceedings against this or that judge. Which usually ends not with justification, but with punishment. It was not in vain that Jhangiryan was appointed chairman of the BDK, in violation of the law.
The list includes judges who reserve the right to disobey illegal orders from the government and release opposition figures from illegal detention. It turns out that the Minister of Justice, in the name of fighting against the former bribery (according to him, the number of forty) judges, is now trying to “liberate” the judiciary from judges who have maintained their independence following the letter of the law. Can you imagine the development in his case? And I would say, as a typical example of Nicolism, he has been silent in the past.
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