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Medieval Software. Modern Hardware. Our Politics Is Stuck in the Past.

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By Wally Sarkeesian

We Live in the Future — But Our Politics Is Stuck in the Past.

We live in the 21st century with AI, quantum computing, blockchain, satellites, global markets, and massively networked societies…

…but we are still running our political life on the mental software of the Middle Ages. trusting one Man to lead us.

Kings were simply renamed “Presidents” and “Prime Ministers.”
Royal courts were renamed “Cabinets.”
Priests became “Media and Influencers.”
Empires became “Blocs and Alliances.”

The structure never fundamentally evolved.
The costumes changed — not the architecture.

Humanity upgraded the hardware… but never updated the Operating System.

Why this matters now

When one person controls the fate of an entire nation, it only takes one:

  • corrupt ego
  • foreign pressure
  • compromised elite network
  • wrong decision
  • psychological imbalance

…to destroy decades of progress.

One-person rule is inherently fragile.

Modern nations should never be dependent on a single individual.

Switzerland is the living proof

If you walk in the street in Switzerland and ask:
“Who is the President?”
Most citizens cannot answer.

That is not weakness — that is maturity.

The system is stronger than the individual.

But if you ask in unstable regions:
“Who is the dictator / the strong man leader?”

Turkey, Azerbaijan, Armenia and so on…personality cults
Everyone instantly knows.

That is structural immaturity.

The more famous your leader is, the weaker your institutions are.
The more boring your government is, the stronger your democracy is.

Armenia urgently needs this evolution

Armenia is surrounded by existential forces.
Armenia cannot afford political systems that depend on the psychology of one man.

Armenia should have been the FIRST nation to adopt a Switzerland-style model: direct democracy, distributed power, referendum-driven checks, weak central executive, strong canton/local autonomy.

Small nations with high threats MUST not concentrate power.

The future of democracy is distributed

The next generation political model will be:

  • Networked decision making
  • Liquid democracy (delegate on specific issues, revoke instantly)
  • AI-assisted corruption auditing
  • Zero “single-point-failure” leadership power

This is the real future.
Not personality cults.
Not strong-man fantasies.
Not savior leaders.

Conclusion

We cannot solve modern problems with medieval political software.

Societies must upgrade the governance OS the same way we upgraded technology.

Modern hardware requires modern leadership structures.

And the most advanced political systems in the world… are the ones where leadership becomes almost invisible — because the system itself is what is strong.

We don’t need stronger leaders.
We need stronger systems.

Medieval Software. Modern Hardware.
Time to update the OS of democracy.

Chronological: How Pashinyan Misled the Armenian People and Handed Artsakh to Azerbaijan — Step by Step

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By Wally Sarkeesian

1. Initial Promises (2018–2019)
When Nikol Pashinyan first came to power after the 2018 “Velvet Revolution,” he presented himself as a democrat and a defender of national interests.
He repeatedly stated that he had no right to decide Artsakh’s fate because he was not elected by the people of Artsakh.
He emphasized that Artsakh must be a party to the peace talks and promised that no decision would be made without the will of the Artsakh people.

2. The “Zero Point” Negotiations
Soon after, Pashinyan reversed his position, declaring that negotiations would begin from a “zero point” — effectively discarding years of diplomatic progress and the previous negotiation framework (including the Madrid Principles).
This confused both local and international observers and weakened Armenia’s position in talks.

3. Shifting Rhetoric (2019–2020)
In the National Assembly, Pashinyan began claiming that any solution must be equally acceptable to the peoples of Armenia, Artsakh, and Azerbaijan — a statement that many saw as legitimizing Azerbaijan’s claims and diluting Armenia’s bargaining power.
When asked what exactly was being negotiated, his vague response — “Whatever needs to be negotiated, we negotiate” — reflected growing inconsistency.

4. The 2020 War and Catastrophe
In September 2020, the 44-day war broke out.
Despite warnings, the government failed to prepare the army or secure foreign support.
The war became a disaster: over 4,000 Armenian soldiers were killed, tens of thousands displaced, and large parts of Artsakh were lost.
Many Armenians describe this as a new genocide — with Turkey, Pakistan, Israel, and extremist mercenaries openly supporting Azerbaijan.

5. The November 9, 2020 Ceasefire Agreement
Pashinyan signed the Moscow-brokered deal that ended the war — widely viewed as a capitulation.
Armenia lost Shushi, Hadrut, and most part of Artsakh, while Russian peacekeepers were deployed temporarily.
He announced the deal in the middle of the night without consulting the nation or Parliament.

6. The 2021 Elections and New Promises
During the 2021 snap elections, Pashinyan promised to bring back Shushi and Hadrut and to secure Artsakh’s status.
However, after being reelected, he gradually abandoned these promises — lowering expectations and shifting responsibility.

7. Recognition of Azerbaijan’s “Territorial Integrity” (2022–2023)
At meetings in Brussels and other international forums, Pashinyan officially recognized Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity — including Artsakh.
This statement effectively erased the decades-long struggle of Artsakh Armenians for self-determination and was seen as the final act of surrender.

8. The 2023 Exodus and Aftermath
In September 2023, Azerbaijan launched a final military operation in Artsakh.
Within days, over 150,000 Armenians were forced to flee their homes.
Artsakh ceased to exist as a self-governing entity — a tragic end many blame directly on Pashinyan’s policies and concessions.

Enjoy the stench of “Real Armenia”: Hayk Demoyan

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By Wally Sarkeesian,

Former director of the Genocide Museum-Institute Hayk Demoyan wrote: “Enjoy the stench of “Real Armenia.” It will linger for a long time, and never turn around to find out where that stench comes from. It comes from each of us – the educated, the uneducated, the famous scientist, and the ordinary citizen. We ourselves, with our own hands, created the cesspool where today’s parasites in power were bred and fed.
So easily, calmly, and smoothly, you gave the memory of an entire tragedy to rape, with silence and “understanding” you endured the desecration and destruction of a memorial complex for national memory, and we continue to snort under the stinking music of festivals.
No less stinking than this stinking Real Armenia are the educated and developed academics sitting on the frequency of silence, especially those historians who talk and write about the tragic pages of national history with smart faces, pretending not to understand and not to see the tragic pages being recorded in real mode before our eyes. How can they talk and write, there is a job, salary, awards, grants, recognition, how can they be deprived of it all at once?
I wish the participants of tomorrow’s Ohanavan battle success and I would like to remind you that unlike the Tatev Monastery gorge, the Hovhanavank gorge, being just as deep, is devoid of vegetation, therefore the probability of being crushed is greater…”

How Cheap Drones and Political Choices Reshaped Armenia’s Security Reality

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By Wally Sarkeesian

What Armenian to do After Removing Pashinyan

Once the preserve of wealthy states, air power has been upended by low-cost, prop-driven drones built from commercial parts. Iran’s simple, mass-produced loitering munitions — especially the Shahid-136 — proved that cheap, saturating strikes can inflict strategic damage, forcing expensive, painful shifts in air-defense thinking.

A $20k–$50k kamikaze drone can compel defenders to expend interceptors costing orders of magnitude more, fundamentally changing the economics of conflict. Iranian advances came from sanctions-driven necessity — reverse engineering captured systems and scaling inexpensive designs. Platforms like the Mohajir-6 (mid-range strike), Shahid-129 (long-endurance strike), and Shahid-136 (expendable loitering munition) exemplify the swarm and saturation logic: individually slow and vulnerable drones become lethal in numbers, overwhelming layered defenses. Real-world use across the Middle East, Yemen, Syria, and Russia’s campaigns in Ukraine highlight their strategic utility against infrastructure.

For Armenia, this technological lesson intersects with political history. Many analysts argue that had Armenia not undergone the 2018 “Velvet Revolution” — which brought to power a government viewed by some as aligned with Western and Turkish interests — the fate of Artsakh might have been different. Without that shift, Armenia could have maintained a more traditional security posture and stronger deterrence, possibly preventing Azerbaijan’s 2020 advance. In this view, political disruption weakened national defense at a time when drone warfare was transforming the battlefield, allowing Azerbaijan, heavily supported by Turkish UAVs and advisors, to gain decisive air superiority.

Now, as the Pashinyan government moves toward a 15.2% defense budget cut in 2026, critics warn the cycle may repeat. The opposition insists Armenia must rebuild a deterrent force — especially in drones and electronic warfare — to avoid future losses. Cheap drones have democratized air power globally, and Armenia’s challenge is to adapt politically and technologically before history repeats itself.

Armenia’s Election System and What It Means for Voters

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By Wally Sarkeesian

The way Armenia’s electoral system is set up (thanks to the geniuses in the previous government) is that to enter parliament, political parties must pass a 4% threshold (previously 5%), while multi-party alliances must pass 7–8% (previously 8%).

This system, while presented as a way to ensure stability, in practice favors larger parties—particularly Pashinyan’s Civil Contract Party—and makes it extremely difficult for smaller or “one-man” parties to gain representation. In the last election, nearly all of those smaller groups failed to reach the threshold, and their votes were effectively redistributed to the ruling party.

So, there are two fundamental things every voter should consider:

  1. Will the party or alliance I’m voting for realistically pass the threshold?
    If the answer is no, your vote will likely be wasted and will indirectly support the ruling party, since all sub-threshold votes get redistributed.
  2. Is the party or alliance I’m voting for genuinely in opposition to Pashinyan’s policies?
    Many of the smaller “opposition” figures—such as Aram Sargsyan, Arman Babajanyan, and Tigran Khzmalyan—are, in reality, aligned with the government’s positions in most cases: anti-Russian, heavily backed by Western money, pro-Turkish, and supportive of the same policies that have led the country to its current state.
    If the answer is yes, again, this effectively becomes another vote for Pashinyan’s continuation.

As for Arman Tatoyan, there’s still uncertainty about his stance on several issues, and more clarity is needed. At this stage, aside from Robert Kocharyan and Samvel Karapetyan, it’s unlikely that most of the smaller opposition figures will pass the 4% threshold on their own.

To have any real chance, these forces—the Republican Party (Serzh Sargsyan), Gagik Tsarukyan, Arman Tatoyan, ANC (Levon Ter-Petrosyan, Levon Zurabyan), Artur Vanetsyan, and others—must unite. Otherwise, their divided votes will once again go to waste and end up strengthening Pashinyan’s hold on power.

Armenia’s Future Is on the Line: “Do not Debate Pashinyan”

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By Wally Sarkeesian

Armenia’s Future Is on the Line: “Do not Debate Pashinyan”

The coming election is not politics as usual — it is a fight for the very survival of the Armenian nation.

For years, since 2008, Nikol Pashinyan has deceived our people, divided our society, and led Armenia into loss and despair. Enough is enough.

Do not waste time debating him or his circle. They thrive on distraction, lies, and manipulation.

Instead, focus on unity, strength, and purpose. Build, organize, and stand together for Armenia’s future. Ignore the noise — let them speak to themselves while patriots act.

Armenia will rise again — but only if we stand together and act now.

The upcoming election in Armenia is not just another vote — it is a matter of life or death for the Armenian nation.

The opposition must completely ignore Pashinyan and his circle. There is no point in debating them — Pashinyan has already proven, since 2008, to be a master of deception and lies. His leadership has brought only loss, division, and destruction to the nation.

Do not engage with them. Do not waste energy debating them. Focus on rebuilding, organizing, and acting. Let them speak to themselves while the true patriots work to save Armenia.

US Government is More Pro-Artsakh Than the Prime Minister of Armenia

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By Harut Sassounian

Image by Gagrulenet

Just when we had lost all hope that the United States government would ever say or do anything to support Artsakh, we were pleasantly surprised to see a letter by a high-ranking State Department official who stated all the right things in defense of Artsakh.

The letter, dated Sept. 25, 2025, was written by Paul D. Guaglianone, Senior Bureau Official, Bureau of Legislative Affairs, U.S. State Department. Naturally, we should not confuse words with action, but this is a great start. We need to follow up with our friends in Congress to ensure that the United States government carries out its pledges on Artsakh.

In its letter, the State Department made three important commitments:

1) “The Trump Administration is committed to encouraging both governments [Armenia and Azerbaijan] to provide for the return of ethnic Armenians to Nagorno-Karabakh in the context of a sustainable peace.

2) “We are closely monitoring the trials of detained ethnic Armenians in Azerbaijan, and officials at the U.S. Embassy in Baku attend legal proceedings whenever possible.

3) “Finally, we continue to call on the Azerbaijani government to protect Armenian heritage sites in Nagorno-Karabakh.”

These three sentences cover the core Armenian demands for Artsakh. The U.S. government has never made such pledges before. We hope they will be implemented, and not remain mere words on a piece of paper.

We must realize that the State Dept.’s letter did not materialize out of thin air. It is the result of persistent lobbying by the Armenian-American community. Over the past several months, Armenian-American advocates and supporters sent more than 100,000 emails and phone calls through the Armenian National Committee of America’s (ANCA) national, regional, and local platforms, urging Members of Congress to co-sign the letter to Secretary of State Marco Rubio. Eighty-seven Members of Congress co-signed the letter which was sent to Rubio on July 23, 2025, asking the U.S. government to support the return of forcibly-displaced Armenians to Artsakh, secure the release of illegally-held Armenian prisoners in Baku, and protect Armenian religious and cultural sites in Artsakh.

The congressional letter reminded the Secretary of State of the provisional order of the International Court of Justice in December 2023 compelling Azerbaijan to allow the return of Armenians to Artsakh.

How could it be that the U.S. government cares more about the rights of Artsakh Armenians than Nikol Pashinyan, the Prime Minister of Armenia? After boldly proclaiming in 2019 that “Artsakh is Armenia, period,” Pashinyan did the exact opposite by acknowledging that Artsakh belongs to Azerbaijan. To make matters worse, Pashinyan told the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe last week: “I consider the topic of the return of [Artsakh] refugees in this context to be dangerous for the peace process.” Instead, he urged Artsakh Armenians to “settle down in the Republic of Armenia.” He then added: “Armenia and Azerbaijan must leave each other alone, focus on economic cooperation, and gradually build a dialogue.”

Pashinyan has not only abandoned Artsakh Armenians’ right of return, but has also ignored the plight of Armenians imprisoned in Baku, fearing that should they be released and return to Yerevan, they could challenge his rule.

The latest indication of Pashinyan’s inaction to secure the release of the Armenian prisoners is his awkward interaction with Pres. Donald Trump at the White House on August 8. When Trump asked him if he would “want those Christians released,” Pashinyan shamefully asked Trump not to include a reference to the Artsakh prisoners in the Memorandum of Understanding to be signed by himself, Pres. Aliyev, and Pres. Trump. Amazingly, Trump then volunteered to help secure the prisoners’ release by telling Pashinyan: “I’ll call Aliyev. He’ll do it as a favor to me.” Trump then added: “if anything goes wrong, just call me directly. I’ll fix it.”

Two months later, Pashinyan has shown no interest in reminding Trump about his promise to call Aliyev. When an Armenian reporter recently asked him if he has Trump’s “whatsApp number,” Pashinyan gave an evasive answer by saying, “I cannot disclose the list of my whatsApp numbers.”

The only sour note in the State Dept.’s otherwise welcome letter of Sept. 25 is its usage of the term “corridor,” a word favored by Azerbaijan, to describe the planned road linking Azerbaijan’s mainland with its exclave of Nakhichevan through Armenia. Trump also wrongly used the term “corridor” twice during the White House meeting. In addition, since August 8, Trump has mistakenly said several times that he has solved the conflict between Albania (instead of Armenia) and Azerbaijan, and has also confused Azerbaijan with Cambodia.

Regrettably, neither the letter signed by 87 Members of Congress nor the reply from the State Dept. mentioned the important fact that Azeri troops have been occupying a portion of the territory of the Republic of Armenia since 2021 with no intention of leaving anytime soon. Pashinyan, despite his constitutional responsibility to protect Armenia’s borders, has ignored the foreign occupation of the Republic’s territory, and when asked what he intends to do to liberate it, his answer has been, “nothing.”

How can a peace treaty be signed between Armenia and Azerbaijan while the enemy is occupying Armenia’s territory?

Democracy is not just about elections.

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Democracy is not just about elections. Elections can be bought, manipulated, and corrupted. What truly matters is the constitution and the judiciary.

If judges are corrupt, if they simply obey the dictator’s orders, then there is no democracy—no matter how many elections are held. Azerbaijan has elections too—Aliyev “wins” 90% of the vote. How? Because it’s a corrupt system. The same with Erdogan in Turkey.

And now in Armenia, we face the same disease. The Armenian dictator openly says, “I am the government.” That means everyone must obey him, no questions asked. The judiciary is corrupt, judges bend to his will, and prisons are filling up with political prisoners—religious leaders, businessmen, ordinary citizens.

The courts are so overloaded they can’t even keep up. That is how far Armenia’s judiciary has fallen into corruption.

The difference between a dictator and a traitor.

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By Wally Sarkeesian

Dictators invade. They take what belongs to others. Erdogan invaded Cyprus — half of it remains under Turkish occupation. Turkey also invaded northern Syria and northern Iraq. Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait. Netanyahu continues the occupation of Palestine. That is what dictators do: they grab land.

But traitors are the opposite. A traitor doesn’t seize land — they give it away. Pashinyan handed over Artsakh, half of Armenia’s historic territory, to Turkish Azerbaijan. He surrendered hundreds of villages, lakes, and lands. And now he is partitioning Armenia itself to create a corridor for Turkey and Azerbaijan to cross.

That is the mark of a traitor. And that is the difference between dictators and traitors.

13 Members and Associates of Rival Armenian Syndicates Arrested on Federal Complaints Alleging Attempted Murder, Kidnapping, Theft

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Press release:

LOS ANGELES – Law enforcement officials in California and Florida today arrested 13 alleged members and associates of Armenian organized crime syndicates who are charged in five federal complaints with a series of crimes – including attempted murder, kidnapping, tens of millions of dollars’ worth of thefts of online retailer shipments, and illegal firearm possession – to expand and maintain their control in the San Fernando Valley.

Among the defendants charged are Ara Artuni, 41, of Porter Ranch, who is charged with attempted murder in aid of racketeering, and a rival, Robert Amiryan, 46, of Hollywood, who is charged with kidnapping.

The defendants arrested today in California are expected to make their initial appearances this afternoon and tomorrow afternoon in United States District Court in downtown Los Angeles. Vahan Harutyunyan, 49, of Hollywood, Florida, made his initial appearance earlier today in Fort Lauderdale, Florida and was ordered detained. Two of the remaining defendants, Levon Arakelyan, 45, of Las Vegas, and Ivan Bojorquez, 33, of Gardena, are presently detained in state custody on unrelated matters.

Law enforcement is still seeking one defendant and seized approximately $100,000 in cash, three armored vehicles, and 14 firearms during today’s operation.

According to affidavits filed with the criminal complaints, Armenian Organized Crime, a Russian mafia-affiliated transnational criminal organization, has made Los Angeles County a center of U.S. operations. Since 2022, two local leaders within the organization, also known as avtoritet, which in Russian means “authority,” allegedly have engaged in a power struggle for control in their territory, resulting in multiple murder attempts and a kidnapping.

Artuni, an avtoritet, is charged with ordering the attempted murder of Amiryan during the summer of 2023. In retaliation, Amiryan, also an avtoritet, allegedly conspired with members of his own criminal organization to kidnap and torture one of Artuni’s associates in June 2023.

In addition to attempted murder, Artuni and his criminal enterprise has, since at least 2021, allegedly committed additional crimes, including bank fraud, wire fraud, and “cargo theft” targeting online retailers such as Amazon.com Inc. Artuni Enterprise members and associates enrolled with Amazon as carriers, contracted for trucking routes, and then, while transporting the goods, diverged from the route and stole all or part of the shipment. To date, the Artuni Enterprise has allegedly stolen goods from Amazon worth more than $83 million, according to estimates provided by Amazon. 

Source: https://www.justice.gov/usao-cdca/pr/13-members-and-associates-rival-armenian-syndicates-arrested-federal-complaints