Citizen Artur Chakhoyan, who is known for carrying out public control in the construction projects of the Yerevan Municipality, revealed a case of administrative resource abuse in the Yerevan Council of Elders election campaign.

Yesterday, September 7, the “Civil Agreement” party mayoral candidate Tigran Avinyan held a rally in Nor Nork administrative district. Artur Chakhoyan went around the ranks of the participants of the rally and talked with those present, as a result of which it was found out that the community servants were present in groups at the meeting of the CP candidate.

According to Artur Chakhoyan, among the participants of the gathering were employees of the library, culture house, greening organization, and sports school operating under Yerevan Municipality. The meeting also brought employees from the Yerevan-based sports complex “Waterworld”, which belongs to the businessman, owner of “X Group” Khachik Khachatryan.

Video from Artur Chakhoyan’s Facebook page

Source: https://hetq.am/hy/article/159853?fbclid=IwAR18YiUHOdUYtLcnMvN3UBxVSF1EIKyWO2wH-zjFZ5kvYVBKqq-X0OvN-L0

How Nikol Pashinyan Turn Armenian Nation into “Tower of Babel” Բաբելյան աշտարակը

Pashinyan sent the Armenian narrative into a tailspin reminiscent of the “Tower of Babel” Բաբելյան աշտարակը a metaphor to depict instances where communication disintegrates into chaos. While attempting to separate Artsakh from Armenia, Pashinyan in Diaspora caused divisions within two of the most prominent Armenian political parties, ARF, and the more active and large organizations such as ANCA-WR. Pashinyan Already separated Artsakh from Armenia, now under siege by Azerbaijan. never mind the rifts among families and friends who no longer communicate due to the influence of Pashinyan’s divisive rhetoric.”What more damage can Pashinyan possibly do?

Armenian journalists, writers, and intellectuals are fervently engaging on social media, grappling with the enigma of this individual’s actions and intentions.

The Enigma of Pashinyan’s Actions: Is There a Turkish Agenda?

Intriguing Developments in Pashinyan’s Recent Actions:

Five years ago, Pashinyan made headlines by arresting the Armenian CSTO chief. Three years later, he disregarded warnings of an impending war and rejected CSTO’s proposal for military drills within Armenia. Furthermore, he has consistently declined participation in any joint drills or border missions.

The overarching motive behind these decisions appears not to be safeguarding Armenia’s interests but rather a concerted effort to distance the nation from Russia.

Pashinyan’s Peculiar Moves Preceding Azerbaijan’s Military Mobilization:

1. Pashinyan’s government introduced a bill in parliament that could potentially lead to the arrest of Putin, the Russian President.
2. Pashinyan dispatched humanitarian aid to Ukraine, a move raising eyebrows given its timing and geopolitical implications.
3. Pashinyan recalled Armenia’s CSTO representative, a surprising step considering the regional security landscape.

The question remains: What exactly is unfolding in this complex puzzle of actions?

Alison Tahmizian Meuse and jagadakir

The prime minister of Armenia has not said little in recent days. Maria Zakharova, the official representative of the Russian foreign ministry, stated this at Tuesday’s press briefing but did not comment on the recent interview of Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan to the Italian newspaper La Repubblica.

“Simply summing up all these statements, I want to say that one should be able to answer for one’s actions, rather than looking for culprits and doing it constantly, at every opportunity. It is necessary to take responsibility, one’s own responsibility, and not put it on someone else’s shoulders if they consider it a sin or, I don’t know, put that own responsibility on someone else again. This is how a politician, a statesman differs from a random person who does not think about the national interests of his country. Let me mention one more time: one must be able to answer for one’s actions. Otherwise, it is a bit like a dancer’s case,” said Zakharova.

The Pashinyan Party is desperate The parties use the services of marketing agencies, getting people involved in marches, and distribution of propaganda leaflets for money. This is stated in the statement of the “Eyewitness” observation mission.

“Announcements to participate in political marches are being spread on various social networks. In particular, the Promo host advertising technology organization is recruiting girls on its Instagram chat to participate in the campaign marches of the “Civil Contract” party in exchange for money. Participating girls are instructed to wear white T-shirts and jeans. Representatives of the “Civil Agreement” party participate in the campaign in the same form. Those who wish to participate must also send their photo to the organizer in advance for approval. The participants are invited to the CP headquarters at 40 Sayat-Nova street, from where the propaganda marches start. Participating girls are paid AMD 1000 compensation for 1 hour. Funds are transferred in a non-cash way, by transfer to participants’ bank cards. The Facebook group Promo & More, which has around 3000 participants, is also used as a platform for similar announcements. Another marketing agency, City Promotion, is recruiting participants here to distribute leaflets and wave flags at various campaign events. In the conversation with the representative of the organization, it became clear that they provide a similar service for several parties (the organization avoided mentioning names). In this case, the participants are paid 1000-2000 drams per hour. The witness submitted a report to the General Prosecutor’s Office of the Republic of Armenia to find out whether the above-mentioned actions have elements of the criminal organization of materially interested in participating in the marches defined by Article 236 of the Criminal Code of the Republic of Armenia. The witness has a number of recordings and other materials proving the above. “For the time being, some of them are published due to the privacy of personal data,” the statement said. Factor.am will contact the “Civil Agreement” party to get a comment on the publication. You can read the full article at this address:

Source: https://factor.am/683764.html © factor.am

Today is the Independence Day of Artsakh. The Republic of Artsakh is 32 years old.

On September 2, 1991, a declaration was adopted at the joint meeting of people’s deputies of the Nagorno-Karabakh Regional Council, the Shahumyan Regional Council, and councils of all levels, proclaiming the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic and the formation of its provisional bodies of state power and administration.

As a result of the referendum held on December 10, 1991, 99.89% of the population of Artsakh said “yes” to independence.

In December 1991, the people of Artsakh participated in the elections for deputies of the Supreme Council of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic, establishing the highest legislative body. Then, in January 1992, the inaugural session of the Supreme Council was convened, during which the declaration of independence of the Republic of Artsakh was adopted.

Artur Mkrtchyan was elected President of the Supreme Council of the Republic. Artsakh adopted its own national flag, coat of arms and anthem. The flag is tricolor: red, blue, orange, and white with a five-toothed ornament.

On September 25, 1991, Azerbaijan unleashed the first Artsakh war. It lasted more than 3 years, and only on May 12, 1994, the heads of the defense departments of Azerbaijan, Nagorno-Karabakh, and Armenia signed a document on a ceasefire.

On September 27, 2020, Azerbaijan again unleashed a full-scale war against Artsakh. It was stopped on November 9 by a ceasefire statement signed between the leaders of Armenia, Russia, and Azerbaijan. Unfortunately, as a result of the war, Azerbaijan occupied the entire security zone of Artsakh, as well as Shushi and Hadrut.

DAVIT BEGLARYAN

While there are little to no updates related to Armenian POWs being held captive in Baku for over 1,000 days, the Armenian government has been quietly filling up its own prisons by cracking down on any form of political opposition.

Today, there are more than a dozen political prisoners from opposition parties being held on frivolous charges and accusations, more than the previous two administrations combined. Earlier this year, both Google and Apple issued warnings that the Armenian government is actively using Israeli phone hacking software “Pegasus” to spy on political figures in the country.

Mainstream media in Armenia has provided little to no coverage of the status and sheer number of political prisoners held by the Armenian government. In addition to the arrests, over a dozen political and community leaders who have been critical of the Armenian government’s inaction related to the humanitarian disaster in Artsakh have been barred from entering the country. Yet, foreign organizations such as FreedomHouse, continue to rate Armenia as “Free.”

These individuals, namely Mamikon Aslanyan, Suren Manukyan, Mikayel Arzumanyan, Grigory Khachaturov, and Armen Ashotyan, are currently held as political prisoners within Armenia.

Mamikon Aslanyan

On December 15, 2021, Mamikon Aslanyan, the former mayor of Vanadzor, was arrested and formally charged, as stated by the Investigative Committee. Aslanyan faced allegations related to multiple sections of the Criminal Code, including Article 309, Article 3, Article 308, Article 2 (in two instances), Article 314, Article 1, and Article 308, concerning abuses of position and acts of official forgery.

The Investigative Committee’s communication highlighted that during the period spanning from October 10, 2016, to October 10, 2021, Aslanyan purportedly committed acts of abusing and circumventing his official powers, alongside engaging in official falsification motivated by personal interests. The report further outlined that Aslanyan altered the designated use of a piece of land without proper authorization, leading to considerable harm to the community. Authorities also revealed that the former community leader was duty-bound to prevent the unauthorized construction of graves, but he failed to fulfill his official obligations, resulting in the construction of these graves. Two of his subordinates, the community’s legal counsel and chief architect, were also brought up on charges, although unlike Aslanyan, they remained at liberty. The chief architect continued to serve in his role.

On March 1, 2023, the Anti-Corruption Court once again turned down the lawyers’ mediation to modify the restraining order and release Mamikon Aslanyan. This instance, the court reasoned that given Aslanyan’s 15 months in custody, there was a potential risk of his exerting undue influence on witnesses.

It should be noted a political alliance established under the name of Mamikon Aslanyan took part in the local government elections held on December 5, 2021. This alliance succeeded in surpassing the required threshold, securing 38.70 percent of the total votes. Throughout both the pre- and post-election periods, Aslanyan categorically dismissed the possibility of forming a coalition with the Civil Contract Party.

Suren Manukyan

On August 11, 2022, Suren Manukyan, a member of the Supreme Body of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation and MP of the 6th convocation of the National Assembly, was arrested. 

Suren Manukyan is accused of kidnapping the father of the chairman of the “Free Democrats” party Khachatur Kokobelyan and extorting a particularly large amount of money from his sons. Manukyan’s arrest was executed as a precautionary measure within the ongoing criminal investigation. He been deprived of freedom since August 11, 2022.

During the preliminary inquiry, Suren Manukyan revealed the existence of two videos that he intended to disclose exclusively during the open court proceedings of the case. He claimed that these videos would shed light on all facets of the incident. He had refrained from publishing them earlier due to closed court sessions and a lack of confidence in the pre-trial authority.

Manukyan was charged under Article 191, Part 2, Clause 5 of the Criminal Code, which pertains to group kidnappings.

On August 10, 2023, the Court of General Jurisdiction of the Tavush Province decided to maintain Suren Manukyan’s preventative detention and extend his imprisonment for an additional three months.

According to an announcement from the media service of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation, on the day of his arrest, Suren Manukyan was invited to the Investigative Committee of the Republic of Armenia in another case to participate in the investigative operation as a victim, but on the way, he was arrested with the use of violence on suspicion of his involvement in the kidnapping incident.

Mikayel Arzumanyan

On August 30, 2022, Lieutenant General Mikayel Arzumanyan, who assumed the role of commander of the Artsakh Defense Army during the 44-day conflict, was arrested.

Mikayel Arzumanyan has been detained sins September 1, 2022. He faces allegations of dereliction of duty in connection with the planning of the defense of the city of Shushi and its surrounding areas from October 30 to November 9, 2020. These actions resulted in the complete takeover of Shushi by enemy armed forces, leading to casualties and injuries among Armenian units. 

Furthermore, Mikayel Arzumanyan is charged with issuing a “retreat” order to personnel who had initially captured the Arega hill of Talish and nearby strategic positions in the early days of the conflict. During that period, he held the position of deputy head of the main intelligence department.

On April 25, 2023, the Anti-Corruption Court decided to extend the detention of Mikayel Arzumanyan by an additional three months. This marked the initial closed-door court hearing in his case, a decision made by the judge and prosecutors.

The prosecution’s main argument for the extension of his detention centered around Mikayel Arzumanyan’s previous role as the head of the Security Forces and his significant reputation, which they believed could potentially impede the ongoing investigation.

In addition to the charges of military negligence, Arzumanyan is also facing accusations of abuse of power under a newly introduced statute, a more severe offense that carries a prison sentence ranging from 7 to 13 years.

Mikayel Arzumanyan assumed the position of Defense Army commander on October 27, 2020, following serious injuries sustained by Artsakh Defense Minister Jalal Harutyunyan during the conflict. This occurred one month into the war, when the state of the army was exceptionally challenging.

Grigory Khachaturov

On March 15, 2023, Major General Grigory Khachaturov, the former commander of the 3rd Army Corps of the RA Armed Forces, was arrested and subsequently held in detention.

Khachaturov’s arrest is linked to the case involving former Minister of Defense Seyran Ohanyan. He faces allegations of money laundering. The indictment asserts that during his tenure as the military unit’s commander from 2006 to 2010, Khachaturov illicitly acquired real estate and then proceeded to legitimize these assets.

According to a statement from the Public Relations Department of the General Prosecutor’s Office, the ongoing investigation led by the National Security Service obtained factual evidence. On February 20, 2023, the investigative body submitted a formal request to the overseeing prosecutor, urging the initiation of criminal proceedings against Grigory Khachaturov. His alleged crimes involve the large-scale legalization of unlawfully acquired immovable property through abuse of his official position, which constitutes money laundering. 

It is worth noting that on February 21, 2023, the Anti-Corruption Court denied the motion to detain Grigory Khachaturov, leading to his release from the courtroom.

However, on May 15, during a confidential session, the Anti-Corruption Court decided to prolong Grigory Khachaturov’s period of detention by three months. The closed-door court session lasted approximately six hours.

Khachaturov’s legal team lodged an appeal against this decision. Initially, the Appellate Anti-Corruption Court indicated that the complaint would be reviewed through written procedures, with a decision slated for publication on June 22. Unexpectedly, the court opted for an oral procedure instead.

Subsequently, on July 19, the Anti-Corruption Court ruled to extend Grigory Khachaturov’s period of detention for an additional three months, thereby mandating his custody until November 15.

Armen Ashotyan

On June 15, 2023, Armen Ashotyan, Vice President of the The Republican Party of Armenia, was arrested and subsequently held in detention for a span of two months. The Anti-corruption court granted approval to the request put forth by the pre-investigative body.

Ashotyan faces multiple charges, including the abuse of his official position within the Medical University, engaging in money laundering, assisting in the misuse of official authority, and orchestrating the theft of property.

As per the RA Investigative Committee’s findings, it was determined that Armen Ashotyan, in his capacity as both the chairman of the board of trustees of the “Yerevan Mkhitar Heratsi State Medical University” fund and the RA Minister of Education and Science, encouraged Mikayel Narimanyan, the rector of the fund, to exploit his official powers. This led to significant financial harm amounting to AMD 38,658,200 inflicted upon the “Mkhitar Heratsi State Medical University of Yerevan” fund.

Additionally, Ashotyan was responsible for orchestrating the misappropriation of AMD 185,606,000 that had been collected as membership fees for the “Yerevan Mkhitar Heratsi State Medical University” trade union. These funds were intended for transfer to the aforementioned organization. Notably, on April 26, 2014, A. Ashotyan was reappointed to the position of RA Minister of Education and Science by the decree of the RA President. Furthermore, on April 17, 2015, he assumed the role of chairman for the board of trustees of the “Mkhitar Heratsi State Medical University of Yerevan” Foundation, as referred to hereinafter as the Foundation.

Political prisoners are individuals who have been incarcerated or detained due to their political beliefs, activities, or affiliations rather than any criminal behavior. They are often held by a government or ruling authority as a means to suppress dissent, opposition, or activism that challenges the established political order. The detention of political prisoners is generally considered a violation of human rights and a breach of principles such as freedom of expression, assembly, and association.