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Turkey: No media freedom, no democracy write YAVUZ BAYDAR

June 21, 2013 By administrator

By: YAVUZ BAYDAR

“As the blackout or utterly timid reporting of the recent protests undeniably proved, the conglomerate media of Turkey, which controls over 70 percent

of the sector, has now become an extension of the government and bureaucracy, an organic part of power politics.

Inevitably, the Turkish media was in the spotlight on Thursday during a largely attended conference, titled “Speak-Up!2,” in Brussels, organized by the European Commission.

I was one of the speakers. Here, I would like to share with you excerpts from my speech.

“The way the media deliberately failed to do its job before, during and after the protests has become a final litmus test for the miserable state of journalism in Turkey.

“Despite an impressive scope of pluralism, Turkey’s media, as of now, is in the midst of editorial paralysis — bruised and abused, threatened and intimidated at best, discouraged by various means to do its job on behalf of the public.

“Its main bulk, the so-called mainstream media — controlled by greedy, powerful moguls — is breaking apart under intense pressure for censorship and internalized self-censorship.

“On another level, partisanship in Turkey now displays signs of a witch-hunt, with informant activities comparable to the McCarthy era.

“The people’s outrage, on the other hand, on the streets and social media, has exposed another all-time low for trust in the profession. My colleagues are now deeply torn between submission, denial and intensive soul-searching.

“On freedom, what we have seen is the phenomenon of a negotiating partner with the EU continuing to defiantly implement punitive measures — in terms of legal investigations, a high number of prosecutions, detentions and jail sentences — with the aim of limiting the domain of free speech, public debate and dissent.

“The main problem remains the Counterterrorism Law [TMK], followed by the Turkish Penal Code [TCK] and the Internet Law. Despite the passing of the fourth judicial reform package, we have not noted any progress in favor of freedoms: People still remain in jail and detentions that long surpass the limits marked by the European Court have now, in many cases, turned into actual, de facto jail sentences. Needless to say, these issues of freedom are the most urgent of matters.

“Freedom and independence of the media are inseparable twins, and as I have long argued, if we only focus on freedom, we miss the big picture. Punitive measures and legal restrictions — mainly a product of a culture of intolerance encompassing the majority of Parliament — are only the tip of the media misery iceberg.

“As the blackout or utterly timid reporting of the recent protests undeniably proved, the conglomerate media of Turkey, which controls over 70 percent of the sector, has now become an extension of the government and bureaucracy, an organic part of power politics.

“Nowhere else in the world but in Turkey has the ruthless intervention and control of editorial content, as well as the submission of media proprietors, been so arrogant and out in the open. Turkey’s flourishing economy has caused such greed that money-blind proprietors not only ignore but oppose media professionals who do try to do their jobs in the name of the public. Often on a daily basis, without any government direction, they impose censorship, demand total submission to the employer and silence colleagues — one after another, knocking out those who defend our professional values.

“I am asked why the conglomerate media acted like an ostrich during the recent protests. My response is always simple: Follow the money. A quick study would show how many of those big media moguls have been given favors through public tenders in these huge projects of İstanbul, as well as other means. One of them recently won the $700 million Galataport deal. Another is a partner of the huge third airport deal for İstanbul, etc., etc.

“It is impossible to conduct critical journalism in such a polluted system, which has, in practice, turned Turkey’s big media newsrooms into open-air prisons. Coverage on economic corruption today is almost zero.

“It’s not surprising that not a single one of the media owners has shown any civilian courage to come out and defend what we all are fighting for: freedom and independence. As long as they take the side of the government that feeds them with carrots and more carrots, we have no chance of winning back the dignity of our profession.”

‘Grandma’s Tattoos’ screened in European Parliament

June 21, 2013 By administrator

On Monday June 17, the European Armenian Federation for Justice and Democracy (EAFJD) co-organized the screening of the documentary, “Grandma’s Tattoos” with Swedish – Armenian director Suzanne Khardalian in the European Parliament, Asbarez.com reported.

The screening was co-hosted by two Swedish Members of the Euroepan Parliament, Carl Schlyter (Group of the Greens/European Free Alliance) and Cecilia Wikström (Group of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe).

A very diverse audience of more than 120 people attended the screening. Following welcoming remarks and introduction by EAFJD President Kaspar Karampetian, “Grandma’s Tattoos” was screened. The audience was electrified, and emotionally touched by the film, which chronicles the plight of Armenian girls and women abducted and enslaved during the Armenian Genocide, and marked by tattoos as the properties of their captors.

After the screening, European Parliament member Cecilia Wikström, and director Suzanne Khardalian responded to the questions of the audience. Questions ranged from the violation of women in wartime to the shame and humiliation carried with it. Wikström said that “a woman’s body is a battleship” and expressed her concerns about violated women, and that the EU Parliament should send a strong message against it.

Khardalian told the audience that her aunt Lucia –the main character in the documentary – did not have the chance to see the movie, since she passed away before the completion of the movie. However, the director said she is “fortunate,” only because a significant number of Armenian women had already been interviewed by her, as if they were “waiting to tell their stories before leaving this world.”

Khardalian mentioned that like her grandmother, “I also feel violated and ashamed because the stigma of rape passed on from generation to generation.”

Co-host of the screening, European Parliament member Carl Schlyter, in his closing remarks said that the fate of women during both World Wars, and even before and after must be told to the coming generations, and stressed the need for vigilance against such acts, so they are not repeated.

Iraq’s new ambassador hands copy of credentials to Armenia’s FM

June 21, 2013 By administrator

June 20, 2013 | 13:38

YEREVAN. – Iraq’s newly appointed Ambassador to Armenia, Ghazi Taher Khaled, on Thursday presented the copy of his credentials to Foreign Minister Edward Nalbandian.

Congratulating the ambassador on his appointment, Nalbandian wished him success and expressed a hope that the ambassador will contribute to the further strengthening of relations between Armenia and Iraq, the Armenian MFA press service informs. The FM also stressed that the high-level mutual visits and the reopening of one another’s embassies have given new impetus to Armenian-Iraqi ties.

In his turn, Ambassador Khaled assured that he will do his utmost to develop bilateral cooperation. He added that Iraq underscores the need to deepen interaction with Armenia, and pointed to the Iraqi-Armenian community’s contribution to prosperity in the country.

Edward Nalbandian and Ghazi Taher Khaled reflected on the developments taking place in the Middle East, and the steps toward ensuring stability and security in Iraq.

Can a Turkish, Armenian and Kurdish picture be taken together?

June 20, 2013 By administrator

I read Article by Solin Hacador published on the Kurdish Tribune June 18, 2013, here is my short comment:

The problem with Turkish society is that they do not have the concept of coexisting with other people that’s why they infiltrated the Islamic empire hijack the Islam and used as a tools and went on concurred three contents, and created Ottoman Empire. Therefore the only solution is to divide Anatolia to four countries Western Armenian, Kurdistan in the south, Turkey in the middle and Greek in the west. Otherwise all the suggestions are wishful thinking and the Turkish rolling elites through out of there history have always been the most manipulative.

Wally Sarkeesian

Read complete Solin Hacador Article:

Today, I have seen a picture of three women from different ethnicity – Kurdish, Armenian and Turkish – taken in the Ottoman times of Turkey. I wonder whether the same kind of photo could be taken in the current Turkish society.

Unfortunately, people’s understanding of friendship between different ethnicities in Turkish society is very thin. Moreover, it is at its racist-provocative stage.

Non-Turkish people cannot openly state their ethnicity, and they often hide their origin from each other. This unpleasant situation is worrying. Through this picture we can see that different ethnicities could set up friendship easily in the past but now it is quite hard to bring these people together. This situation did not happen overnight; it happened as a result of Turkish long-term racist educational system and massacres, genocide against Armenians and massacres against Kurdish people.

Kids from an early age are being taught Atatürk’s theories. They are taught how to be proud of being Turk. Children from different ethnicities are being kept under the same educational system.

This issue is supported by Turkish media. The media usually follows a biased approach towards other ethnicities and independent journalists are mostly scared to criticize any governmental mistakes.

If we go back to the Ottoman Empire, in the sixteen century it was the most powerful state but, by the nineteenth century, its power was reduced and it had lost most of its land in Africa and Europe. This created economic and political losses too and the Empire started to pressurise internal ethnicities enormously. Armenian people within the government were treated suspiciously. Non-Muslim people were put under immense pressure. A series of massacres against Armenians took place during Sultan Abdulhamid II (1876-1909)’s administration. The same Sultan also used some Kurdish people by setting up the Hamidiye corps (literally meaning “belonging to Hamid”, with the full official name of Hamidiye Hafif Süvari alayları, Hamidiye Light Cavalry Regiments) in 1890.

These were well armed, irregular Sunni Kurdish, Turkish, Turkmen, Yörük and also Arab cavalry formations that operated in the eastern provinces of the Ottoman Empire. The intention of Sultan Abdul Hamid II was to use this corps against Russia. However, the Hamidiye were more often used by the Ottoman authorities to harass and assault Armenians living in Western Armenia.

We Kurds need to accept what has happened in history and the fact that some Kurds under the Hamidiye Alaylari took part in massacring Armenian. This shameful crime against Armenians was ordered as explained above. However, we should not generalise this crime and must not blame all Kurds for it. We all know that this is a tactic of the Ottoman-Turkish state, and so the state from time to time applies an armed group against Kurdish armed revolutionists. We know that the village guard (Kurdish armed group) was set up by the Turkish state in order to fight against the PKK (Kurdish Workers Party) but they were usually used against innocent civilians.

Finally, the Armenian Genocide (1915) hugely damaged Turkish, Armenian and Kurdish friendship.

Some people become alarmed because they are not very aware of their friend’s customs, likes and dislikes. They may unwittingly say or do something that is offensive, without ever knowing the reason. Having this awareness does not mean that you have ever been a person who has harboured prejudice or racist thoughts about people from other ethnic, national or cultural backgrounds.

Many contemporary writers in the west tend to present friendship as private, voluntary, and happening between autonomous individuals. According to this view ‘friendship becomes a special relationship between two equal individuals involved in a uniquely constituted dyad’ (Bell and Coleman 1999). This contrasts in key respects with the classical view. Furthermore, as Graham Allan (1989) has argued, relationships that are often presented as voluntary, informal and personal, still operate within the constraints of class, gender, age, ethnicity and geography and this places a considerable question against the idea that friendship is a matter of choice.

Aristotle provides us with one of the great discussions of friendship. He distinguishes between what he believes to be genuine friendships and two other forms: one based on mutual usefulness, the other on pleasure. These two forms only last for as long as there is utility and pleasure involved, whereas genuine friendship does not dissolve.

I personally believe that we need to work on this and do our bit to get rid of any errors or unpleasant issues from our society in order to set up Turkish, Armenian and Kurdish friendship. This issue is very important for the peace process which we need to start from scratch. The Turkish state should also get rid of its racist educational system and bring its citizens together through social, economic and cultural reforms and respect for the rights of individuals. I assume a new picture of three ethnicities can be taken by then.

Kurdish top PKK commander warns Turkish state sabotaging peace process

June 20, 2013 By administrator

June 20, 2013

QANDIL MOUNTAINS,— A top Kurdish militant commander warned on Wednesday a fragile peace process had been jeopardized by increased military activity and a lack of concrete steps by the government, including the continued detention of Kurdish politicians.

Members of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) began a withdrawal from Turkish Kurdish territory to bases in Iraq’s Kurdistan region last month, part of a deal brokered between the state and the group’s jailed leader Abdullah Ocalan earlier this year aimed at ending a conflict that has claimed 40,000 lives since 1984.

“The state is doing what it can to sabotage this process. It is preparing for war. This is creating serious problems for us,” Murat Karayilan,www.ekurd.net the PKK commander based in Kurdistan region of Iraq, told the Firat news agency.

He pointed to increased military surveillance and the construction of new army posts in the mainly Kurdish southeast as undermining the rebels’ withdrawal, which is expected to take months.

There was no immediate comment from the military General Staff, although in April, the military issued a statement that it would continue to fight against “terrorism”.

Karayilan added that the PKK had not engaged in armed action since January.

Turkish Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan has overseen the initiative to end one of world’s longest-running insurgencies after fighting escalated sharply in 2011 and 2012.

But opposition parties have criticized Erdogan for not revealing the measures his side agreed to in exchange for the rebels’ ceasefire and withdrawal.

Karayilan said the peace process had now reached a “critical stage” at which the government must take its own steps as the PKK withdrew. He added his comments could be taken as a “warning”.

“For the democratic resolution process to develop, the PKK has fulfilled its obligations … and we will continue to do so. But the state and the government have responsibilities and in the past three months they have done nothing,” he said.

“To resolve the Kurdish issue, the government … must take steps. If it doesn’t, the process will be blocked,” he said.

Among measures the PKK expects is an end to Ocalan’s isolation at his island prison where he is serving a life sentence for treason, and releasing thousands of Kurdish activists and politicians in jail for up to four years during their trials, mostly on charges related Turkeys’ anti-terrorism law.

“Doesn’t the government and state need to open up political channels and make Kurdish politics freer? What we see instead is a large majority of Kurdish politicians are still in jail, that (they) are to stay in jail and guerrillas will withdraw.”

Since it was established in 1984, the PKK has been fighting the Turkish state, which still denies the constitutional existence of Kurds, to establish a Kurdish state in the south east of the country. By 2012, more than 45,000 people have since been killed.

But now its aim is the creation an autonomous region and more cultural rights for ethnic Kurds who constitute the greatest minority in Turkey, its goal to political autonomy. A large Turkey’s Kurdish community, numbering to 22.5 million, openly sympathise with PKK rebels.

The PKK wants constitutional recognition for the Kurds, regional self-governance and Kurdish-language education in schools.

PKK’s demands included releasing PKK detainees, lifting the ban on education in Kurdish, paving the way for an autonomous democrat Kurdish system within Turkey, reducing pressure on the detained PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan, stopping military action against the Kurdish party and recomposing the Turkish constitution.

Turkey refuses to recognize its Kurdish population as a distinct minority. It has allowed some cultural rights such as limited broadcasts in the Kurdish language and private Kurdish language courses with the prodding of the European Union, but Kurdish politicians say the measures fall short of their expectations.

Souce Ekurd.net

Chevron Secures Iraqi Kurdish Oil Deal

June 20, 2013 By administrator

Bulgaria removes the ethnic Turkish MRF state security boss after protests

June 20, 2013 By administrator

By Tsvetelia Tsolova

SOFIA | Wed Jun 19, 2013 8:11am EDT

(Reuters) – Bulgaria’s parliament dismissed a powerful media figure from his post as head of national security on Wednesday, hoping the move will put an end to protest rallies against the country’s fragile three-week-old government.

Thousands of Bulgarians have been demonstrating in Sofia and other cities since last Friday demanding that the Socialist-led coalition quit after it hurt its credibility by naming lawmaker Delyan Peevski to head the security service without any debate.

Peevski, 32, has no experience in the security field and Bulgarian media say he stands behind a powerful network of national newspapers and television channels owned by his mother.

Political analysts say Peevski’s appointment to a highly sensitive post was another example of how shadowy private interests dominate state institutions in Bulgaria, the European Union’s poorest member state and one of its most corrupt.

“(Removing Peevski) is a clear political act showing that lessons were learnt,” Socialist leader Sergei Stanishev said. “This decision is a clear sign we are taking into account the people’s voice.”

The Socialists have launched public consultations to pick Peevski’s replacement and have also agreed to reform an outdated electoral system to soothe concerns over the rule of law.

In a further conciliatory move, the parliament on Wednesday backed government plans to help the poor by raising the minimum wage from October and state pensions in line with inflation from next year.

Average monthly salaries in Bulgaria are only around 400 euros and pensions are half of that. The monthly minimum wage is currently around the equivalent of 155 euros.

FRUSTRATION

The Socialists and their junior coalition partner, the ethnic Turkish MRF party, have said they will ask Bulgaria’s constitutional court to rule whether Peevski can take back his seat in parliament – an option that protesters strongly oppose.

MRF leader Lyutvi Mestan said Peevski, an MRF lawmaker, would not return to parliament before the court ruling.

Bulgaria joined the EU in 2007 but Bulgarians remain deeply frustrated with their politicians’ failure to tackle corruption and organized crime, which deter badly needed investment and keep living standards low.

“We are here not because of poverty or money. This protest is a moral one, it is for democratic values and for our future. We are tired of lies and behind-the-scenes arrangements,” said writer Milena Fuchedzhieva, protesting in Sofia.

Bulgaria’s previous center-right GERB government was forced to resign in February after mass protests over low living standards and a failure to tackle graft.

GERB returned to parliament as the biggest political grouping after May’s election but failed to secure a working majority, leaving the second-placed Socialists to cobble together a minority government that has to rely on the passive support of a small nationalist party.

(Writing by Radu Marinas, editing by Gareth Jones)

Greek Police Bust Drug Ring with Bulgarian Leaders (drugs from Albania, Turkey)

June 20, 2013 By administrator

Following police operations conducted in Trikala, Thessaloniki, Kozani, Katerini and Kastoria, police officers made 25 arrests — 23 of those arrested were suspected of being members of the ring. Photo by EPA/BGNES

Police in Thessaly, central Greece, has busted an international criminal ring, which allegedly imported drugs from Albania, Turkey and Bulgaria.

The drugs were subsequently distributed throughout Greece, the online edition of the Greek newspaper Kathimerini reported, citing a statement by the police.

The large-scale operation was carried out on Monday by over 60 officers.

According to reports police have identified three of the ring’s alleged five leaders: a 51-year-old Greek who was arrested on Monday, a 38-year-old Bulgarian national currently in prison as well as a 38-year-old Bulgarian still at large.

Police estimated that the ring had so far distributed 18 kilos of heroin at an estimated street value of over 2 million euros.

Bulgaria Ethnic Turks Long-Time Leader behind FBI Scandal – Borisov

June 20, 2013 By administrator

Ahmed Dogan, who was member of the previous parliament, is pictured here during his sole appearance in the National Assembly last year, which made headlines as a rare event. Photo by Sofia Photo Agency

Bulgaria’s ethnic Turks’ long-time leader Ahmed Dogan stands behind the outrageous decision to appoint а shady media mogul the country’s security chief, the former prime minister has alleged.

“Ahmed Dogan is the man, who appointed Delyan Peevski,” Boyko Borisov told journalists on Thursday.

The three political parties, who are ruling Bulgaria now, decided to settle their scores with my party GERB in an avant-garde way and only Peevski agreed to face the challenge,” Borisov explained.

Bulgaria’s capital Sofia has seen over the last week unrelenting public outrage at the appointment of a media magnate to a top security post, which boiled over into protests against the new government.

Earlier on Wednesday Bulgaria’s Parliament retracted the appointment of Peevski as head of DANS. The move however is unlikely to appease protesters, who have called for the government’s resignation.

The rallies take place peacefully, despite attempts made by marginal nationalist groups to provoke protesters.

Dogan, considered for the last decade the back-seat ruler of Bulgaria, is patiently biding his time on the bench only to enter the political game and settle scores when the right moment comes, political analysts commented a year ago.

The statements were prompted by his refusal to return a scandalous bonus for consulting hydro energy projects while his party was in power.

The then prime minister Boyko Borisov had called on officials in previous governments to return all bonuses to help make up for the economic crisis. Ahmed Dogan refused to do so, even though his huge and controversial fee turned him into a defendant in a graft case.

In response to an earlier call by Prime Minister Boyko Borisov, current officials have returned bonuses worth more than EUR 300,000.

“Borisov is winning the PR game, but Dogan does not seem to care,” Tihomir Bezlov commented.

“Dogan is patiently biding his time on the bench only to enter the political game and settle scores when the right moment comes,” he commented.

Two years ago Dogan was cleared of pocketing nearly one million euros from the state budget while in power, a high profile corruption trial that proved him to be untouchable.

Bulgaria’s Supreme Administrative Court acquitted Ahmed Dogan for receiving huge consulting fees on hydro energy projects while his party was in power.

The court said there was no evidence that Ahmed Dogan had breached the public interest by receiving the fees.

The case was opened after the parliamentary commission on corruption notified it of a possible conflict of interest. Ahmed Dogan has been involved in large-scale political corruption schemes, has breached the conflict of interest provisions and has served private interests, according to the allegations.

The leader of the ethnic Turkish party Movement for Rights and Freedoms (DPS), which was a member of the former three-way coalition cabinet, allegedly pocketed BGN 1.5 M as a consultant of four large-scale hydroelectricity projects, funded by the state – ‘Tsankov Kamak‘, ‘Dospat’, ‘Gorna Arda’ and ‘Tundzha’ Dam.

The scandal erupted in May 2010 after a visit of Prime Minister Boyko Borisov to the site of the hydroelectric power plant ‘Tsankov Kamak‘, where he revealed that a huge hike in the initial price has been discovered.

The money for the hydro power plant “Tsankov Kamak“, from where Dogan took the sky-high payment as an “expert,” was paid by the state-owned National Electricity Distribution Company (NEK), left in tatters after the ruling of the previous cabinet.

Dogan holds a philosophy degree and has no qualifications in civil engineering.

Gerogia: ‘Tebi Javakhk’: An unforgettable experience

June 20, 2013 By administrator

By Tamar Samuelian for The Armenian Weekly

Under the Georgian government, the people of Javakhk are suffering. They are unable to keep and preserve the ancient Armenian churches or even worship in them. More importantly, the government has turned most Armenian schools into Georgian Governmental Schools, and the children attending do not get an education in Armenian. As someone who is fascinated with Armenian history, in all my studies I had not come across anything about Javakhk, which was a part of Historic Armenia. Considering the situation the Armenians of Javakhk are in, they have succeeded in creating a community for themselves, teaching their children Armenian reading, writing, and history, and creating a youth center where all Armenian children can hang out. Taking into consideration the situation of the Javakhk Armenians today, they have managed to survive and thrive on yet another land that belongs to Armenians regardless of the Georgian government’s efforts.

It was by chance that I came upon the Tebi Javakhk Facebook page after my spring semester in 2012. Had it not been for my joblessness and boredom, I would never have known about this jampar (camp). After reading through the application and the various posts online about the Jampar, I decided to apply, figuring it would be a good experience and an opportunity to interact with other Armenians of my age. I sent in my application on a limb. I wasn’t sure what to expect. It was more of a leap of faith than anything else. I didn’t know much about Javakhk to begin with, so after sending in my application I attempted to do some research to learn about the situation of the people living there. Unfortunately there wasn’t anything I didn’t already know online or at the library about this part of the world. When I got the e-mail that I had been accepted as a counselor at the Javakhk Jampar, I was ecstatic!

Prior to leaving the states, we had a few conference calls where we discussed everyone’s responsibilities, what to expect, what not to expect, how we were getting to Javakhk, the dangers, etc. We all met on July 19 at JFK Airport, anxious to get there.

Our first day in Javakhk was spent in the town of Akhalkalak, which is primarily Armenian. We visited the Armenian Relief Society (ARS) offices of Akhalkalak, where the ungerouhis spoke about the situation of the Armenians in the town, but more so about how excited they were with our presence. We then walked to the youth center, passing the statue of Mesrob Mashdots, who not only created the Armenian alphabet but also created the Georgian alphabet. At the youth center, Unger Nayiri gave us a tour, showing us the many, many books about the ARF they have collected, the pictures of the fedayees, the pictures the children have drawn, and the clothes they have learned to sew. That night we talked logistics—how we were going to operate these camps and how we would have to modify the camp to fit our circumstances.

The next day, my group, who was going to Akhdzkha, another largely populated Armenian town, left anxious and overtly eager. Since that was the day our jampar was supposed to begin, we hastily dropped off our things at the hotel and headed to the youth center to meet and greet all the children and their parents. Since we did not have any materials, most of that day was spent buying supplies and preparing mentally and physically for the jampar.

The first day began bright and early at 9 a.m. We made the trek to the youth center as a group, set up our individual activities for the day, and waited anxiously for the children to arrive. Every morning was basically the same: We would begin with singing “Mer Hairenik,” then do marzank, or exercises—jumping jacks, hokey pokey, “head shoulders knees and toes,” etc. Then, everyone would head inside for their class. During these seven days, I taught the children how to make bracelets with string (almost every child wanted red, blue, and orange string), bracelets with beads, and key chains. I taught them about the city of Van/Vaspuragan, the kings, the kingdoms, the vishabs that lived on Lake Van, the story of Akhtamar, the other various islands on Lake Van, what remains on the island today. I also taught them about Erzerum, its Armenian name Garin (my middle name), where most of their grandparents had emigrated or escaped from; I taught them where it’s located, its role in the caravan, the large mountain ranges that surround it, the unique black stone that is found only there, and the story of the Moghez and the Megnag and the halva. I even taught them the words to the “Erzerumi Tamzara,” which was by far their favorite. We taught them songs and dances we’d learned at camp, or at panagoom, songs that would empower them to be Armenian, such as “Leran lanchin” or “Seropin yev Sossein Yerke,” but also fun songs. I read them the empowering story of Sassounsi Tavit. We played games with them, they drew, they colored; we even made a paper quilt and a paper chain with their drawings and writings.

These children were amazing. As with all children, there were those who were noisy and disobedient, but the majority of the children were wonderful. They all listened very attentively, raised their hands when they had questions, and most impressively, caught on quickly to whatever it was we were teaching them, whether a song or a poem or a story. They were very fast learners, in other words. They were also very eager to learn. When teaching them arts and crafts, they would all surround me in a flurry to see what I was doing and then learn how to do it themselves. During playtime, yes there were spats, but they would solve problems on their own without having to call an adult over. I was amazed at how well they conducted themselves. The older girls were always looking to help in the kitchen or set up tables for lunch.

Aside from interacting with the children, we got to try the various dishes unique to the Armenians in Javakhk, such as khingali. Whenever we could, we would help out in the kitchen, washing dishes, pouring meals into bowls, distributing meals, cutting the cheese, tomatoes, and cucumbers, wrapping dolma, learning how to make khingali, etc. The director of the youth center would tell us time and time again that many of these children would not have had anything to eat had we not provided it for them, because their parents cannot afford food on a daily basis. One day, the group from Akhalkalak came to visit us, and we all took a trip to the Armenian church, which is no longer functional. It was so eye-opening to see the rocky roads they have to walk or drive along to get to their homes or to church, as many people can’t afford cars. Afterwards, we went to the youth center director’s home for some soorj, and found it surprisingly small—everyone slept in one room. We got to see what cramped situations they often have live in.

My favorite experience by far was when we went to see a thousand-year-old Bible in the village of Tsughrut. Even though it was rainy and muggy, we got to get out of the city, see the farmland, the farmers, the fields of corn and sunflowers and grapes, the cow herders, the people who cared for the horses and the chickens. It was beautiful. It was what I had imagined Javakhk to be. Every family had a home, and behind their home was a little stable with chickens for eggs or for dinner; a horse; maybe a cow or two for milk; and the wood from trees cut up and prepared for the winter, lined up outside of their homes. We first headed to the church where we said our prayers and then trekked to the home of elderly woman who kept the Bible. While we were walking, everyone slowly came out of their homes to say hello; they welcomed us, told us to come back, told us they had sons that we would love. It was like a homecoming. These people, Armenians, didn’t know who we were, or where we came from, but were more than happy to talk to us, get to know us, hug us. It was one of the most heartwarming experiences I’ve ever had.

The woman who kept the thousand-year-old Bible was reluctant to let us in at first, thinking we were there to take the Bible away from her, but eventually we made her understand that we were only there to see and admire it. She willingly told us how her father had carried that Bible as the only thing in his possession during the genocide, from Erzerum to Tsughrut. He had hid it in his pants so the gendarmes would not see it, eventually leaving the caravan to find his way to freedom in Javakhk.

We got to do some sightseeing, as well. We saw the statue of the Georgian queen Tamar. We walked up to the Georgian fortress, encountering Armenian workers who again were more than happy to talk to us, acting as though we’d known them forever.

The last day of the jampar was the most difficult. All of the kids knew it was our last day, so the mood was quite solemn; however, we put on a marvelous hantess for the parents who applauded and cried, and thanked us again and again for coming from so far away to teach their children and to help keep them Armenian. They were so sweet, so sincere, that they brought me to tears. The children were even more emotional; they didn’t want to leave us. Even though we’d only been there for seven days, they had grown attached to us, as we had grown attached to them. Slowly, every child left, with tears in their eyes, and we with tears in ours, saying goodbye, not knowing when we would see them again. Every day since, I sit and look through my pictures from Javakhk and reminisce about what an amazing experience I had. In all my 22 years, I’ve never had an experience like this: teaching children who appreciate and understand what I’m teaching, reinforcing the values my parents taught me, but also being my friends, teaching me things in return, laughing at my jokes—and me at theirs—running, jumping, tickling, dancing with me, explaining to me why they love Akhdzkha, and their friends, and stating that one day Javakhk will be a part of Armenia again. It’s so empowering to hear children tell you that. It definitely gives me hope. Leaving the children was probably one of the hardest things I’ve ever had to do, even though our time together was so short. I grew so fond of them, they were like my own brothers and sisters.

Yes, I’ve been to Armenia and even Artsakh with the Homenetmen and with my family, but this experience was far from what I imagined it to be. I not only got to interact with Armenian children living in the diaspora as both a teacher and a friend, but I got to witness a different way of life. In some ways the situation that the Javakhk Armenians are in is similar to that of Armenians living in America and the rest of the diaspora, in that they are trying in every way possible to keep their Armenian identity; however, they have the added strain of a government that is trying to get rid of them, watching their every move, looking for a reason to kick them out or throw them in jail. We were all very curious how these children knew how to speak, read, and write in Armenian, as we’d read that even the Armenian schools in Javakhk were only allowed one session of Armenian a day. We learned that they have a Saturday School that all the children attend, just as I attended, where they learn to read and write in Armenian, and learn Armenian songs and dances. I was overwhelmed at their commitment to being Armenian, when in America we see Armenians slowly drifting away, assimilating into the American culture. Their parents are owed so much for putting themselves and their children on the line to help them keep their Armenian heritage. The people of Javakhk, although under strain, are resilient in keeping their traditions. This experience humbled me, and even more so motivated me to stay involved in the Armenian community, and work harder to motivate others to do the same.