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The World from Here: Kurds, Jews and a new Mideast

May 29, 2013 By administrator

By DAN DIKER, HAROLD RHODE
05/28/2013 21:41
Kurdish suffering under Arab, Turkish and Iranian rule infuses them with a natural affinity for Jews and Israel. Syria’s fragmentation along religious and ethnic lines ShowImageexposes the apparent rupture of what has been known as the Arab Muslim Middle East.

Sunni imperial rule – under the guise of what has been known as pan Arabism – may now be broken beyond repair. The Arab “sacred cow” – the so-called “Zionist invasion and occupation of Palestine” – has failed to unify the Arab world and may now have “two hoofs” in the slaughter house.

While regional realignments may result in a Middle East more amenable to Israel, dangers are still proliferating.

Dore Gold’s prescient analysis, “The Demise of the Middle East’s Borders” (Israel Hayom, May 25) illustrates the geographic and cartographic uncertainty toward which the region appears to be heading.

The often violent competition for power and control among Islamic groups in Syria, Lebanon and Iraq, among other states, that house Sunnis and Shi’ites, Alawites, Kurds, Druse, Christians and others continue to cut through and across the random boundaries’ that were established by the British and French empires as a result of the Sykes-Picot agreement of 1916.

Mashari al-Zaydi, of the London-based Saudi daily Al-Sharq Al-Awsat noted in his May 25 column that, “There is great danger in what is happening in Iraq, Syria and Lebanon and may soon also happen on Turkey’s southern border….Egypt and North Africa, in a different way – are about to enter a terrifying era of religious terrorism, sectarian war and civil strife that will harm everyone.”

What stands behind most of the violence in Syria, Iraq, Lebanon and other areas is Arab Sunni fundamentalism in its various forms – whether Salafi, Wahhabi, or Muslim Brotherhood. All forms of radical Islam threaten the existence of the Alawites, Kurds, Lebanese Shi’ites, Christians, and other members of the non-Sunni ethnic and religious groups, including non-fundamentalist Sunnis.

This Arab Muslim “zero-sum game” culture defines their view of Kurds and other minorities, including Israel. Just as the Arab Sunni Muslims in general relentlessly “hunt” Israel, they would only accept a permanent solution in the Middle East by which they conquer and control the region, and – according to classical Islamic dogma – eventually the entire world.

But tectonic shifts triggered by the Islamic revolutions over the past few years may succeed in liberating the region from Sunni Arab imperialism and create a better future for the region’s minorities. The Kurds, while overwhelmingly Sunni, see the Muslim Brotherhood and the Wahhabis by and large as Arab imperialists trying to force them to abandon their Kurdish identity and become Arabs – probably the reason most Kurds loathe the Muslim Brotherhood.

For the Brotherhood, being Sunni is not enough. In their view, only Arabs can be true Muslims. Non-Arabs must abandon their languages and cultures and adopt an Arab identity – the same attitude which explains how most of the Middle East became Arab and Muslim during the first century of Islam.

The shifts are important to the Kurdish future. The Kurdish self-governing authority in Northern Iraq, Syria’s unraveling into geographical units comprised of Alawites, Kurds, Arab Sunnis and other ethnic groups, and Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s recent outreach to Turkey’s Kurds could result in a more pluralistic governing structure for a new Middle East whose centers of power are more dispersed In this context, the legitimacy and success of the Kurdish national project across the region could blaze a new path for other minorities. It could also help Israel.

For example, Iraqi Kurdistan’s success as an autonomous area or a potentially independent state may influence a process of self-determination for other sects, tribes, ethnic and religious groups.

Shared challenges make Kurds and the Jewish state good potential allies. Like Jews, the Kurdish people have lived under foreign domination for millennia.

Kurdish suffering under Arab, Turkish and Iranian rule infuses them with a natural affinity for Jews and Israel.

There are an estimated 35 to 45 million Kurds in the Middle East, many of whom have been secretly sympathetic to Israel for years and have even been labeled “Zionist agents” in Iraq, Syria and Iran.

The addition of millions of potential Kurdish friends, for micro-sized Israel with a mere eight million inhabitants, could enhance the Jewish state’s security and regional position. While Jews were always considered politically and socially inferior in the Arab Middle East, Kurds generally did not discriminate against Jews, nor have they demonized Israel. In short, geography, history and destiny create natural affinities and interests between Kurds and Israelis.

Strategically, a large Kurdish state or autonomous area combining Northern Iraq and Syria and the millions of Turkish Kurds – who could be attracted to such independence in the heart of the Middle East could serve various important roles for Israel.

Syria’s disintegration, then, may have a silver lining. The northern part of the country could become a Kurdish federal autonomous area – either within a loosely federated national entity or possibly even as an independent Kurdish state, which appears to be the direction for Iraqi Kurdistan.

Iraqi Kurds, who have provided political counsel to their Syrian brethren, could also form an alliance with Syria’s Arabized Kurds and Alawites west of Aleppo, that lies close to the Mediterranean Sea, and is an important strategic asset. Alawites, as fellow non-Sunni Arabs, may well be open to new alliances as well.

These new alliances could be a major step towards the establishment of a physically strong and economically stable Syrian Kurdistan that together with Iraqi Kurdistan could become – at least quietly if not overtly – Israel’s first regional ally since the reestablishment of the Jewish state in 1948.

Dan Diker is a Foreign Policy Fellow of the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, an Adjunct Fellow of the Washington DCbased Hudson Institute and served as Secretary General of the World Jewish Congress from 2010 to 2013.

Dr. Harold Rhode is a Middle East specialist who served in the US Department of Defense from 1982 to 2010. He is a Distinguished Senior Fellow at the Gatestone Institute in New York.

Filed Under: Articles

Syria’s fighters: An interview with Jabhat al-Nusra

May 29, 2013 By administrator

We present an interview of a young fighter from Jabhat al-Nusra, an extremist Sunni group in Syria affiliated with al-Qaeda in Iraq, with Economist.com. A former teacher and then tiler, he is dressed in well-ironed black trousers, a white shirt and a black turban. A gun rests on his lap. He is accompanied by an older man, who appears to be g_image-Syriajudging him on his answers. Both are Syrian and ask not to be named because they do not have permission to speak to the press.

– How has Jabhat al-Nusra become so powerful?

– The reason is the weakening of the other groups. Jabhat al-Nusra gets the advantage because of our ideology. We are not just rebels; we are doing something we believe in. We are not just fighting against tyranny; Bashar Assad is only part of our fight. The other groups are only a reaction to the regime, whereas we are fighting for a vision.

– What is that vision?

– We are fighting to apply what Allah said to the Prophet Muhammad, peace be upon him. We are fighting so people don’t look to other people but only to Allah. We don’t believe in complete freedom: it is restricted by Allah’s laws. Allah created us and he knows what is best for us.

– What future do you see for Syria—or do you even see a Syria in the future?

– We want the future that Islam commands. Not a country with borders but an umma [worldwide Islamic community of believers] of all the Muslim people. All Muslims should be united.

– Syria has long been known for its sectarian diversity. How do you view the other sects?

– The other sects are protected by the Islamic state. Muhammad, peace be upon him, had a Jewish neighbour, for example, and he was always good to him. But the power and authority must be with the believers [Sunnis], not the unbelievers.

– What about other Sunnis who are more moderate than you?

– We will apply sharia law to them.

– What about Alawites?

– Allah knows what will happen to them. There is a difference between the basic kuffar [infidels] and those who converted from Islam. If the latter, we must punish them. Alawites are included. Even Sunnis who want democracy are kuffar as are all Shia. It’s not about who is loyal and who isn’t to the regime; it’s about their religion. Sharia says there can be no punishment of the innocent and there must be punishment of the bad; that’s what we follow.

– Did you lose or gain fighters following the announcement that you are linked to al-Qaeda in Iraq?

– We’re with anything that represents real Islam, whether al-Qaeda or otherwise. If there is a better group, we’ll go with them instead. The effect of the announcement is that now we know our friends and our enemies. The good people will come to our side and the bad people will leave.

– Many, maybe most, Syrians do not share your views. Do you care?

– It would be great if the Syrians were with us but the kuffar are not important. Abraham and Sarah were facing all the infidels, for example, but they were doing the right thing. The number with us doesn’t matter.

– Which other rebel groups do you see as acceptable? Ahrar al-Sham, another Salafist group, criticised your links to al-Qaeda.

– I think only 5% of the battalions are against the Islamic vision. Ahrar al-Sham are a mixture of Islamists and people who like Allah so we are not sure about their vision. We are very clear as the Prophet, peace be upon him, made it very clear to us. Other groups have good beliefs but we are the only committed ones.

– Will the differences lead to clashes, as have happened in some places? And how would you react if Western powers decide to arm other rebel groups?

– If the arms reach people who will fight Assad and Hizbullah that’s okay. If they use them against us, then that’s a problem. We’ll avoid fighting [other groups] if we can. The West wants to ruin Syria.

– How hard is it to become a member of Jabhat al-Nusra?

– We examine those who want to join. First you must be loyal to the idea of Jabhat al-Nusra. Second, you must get a recommendation [from someone in the organisation]. Third, you go to a camp to be educated and practice, and take the oath of loyalty to the emir [the group’s leader].

– Do you plan to carry out operations against the West in the future?

– There is no permanent friendship and no permanent enemy. We’ll do whatever is in the interest of Muslims. The first duty on us is to fight the kuffar among us here in the occupied Muslim lands. The next duty will be decided later.

– Do you have contact with the Syrian regime?

– If it is in the interest of the Muslims, such as for gas or water, then we have no problem. These matters are in the hands of the emir.

– Your presence helps the regime which has long tried to portray the opposition as extremist. What do you think about that?

– The regime maybe benefits but in the end we’ll show all humans, Syrian and otherwise, the way, and true Islam.

– What are your views of women?

– The woman in Islam has a special role. She is respected as a wife, a sister, a mother, a daughter. She is a jewel we should preserve and look after. In the West they gave women freedom but they use them and don’t respect them. The woman is to use in adverts. We don’t have an issue with the woman working according to her mind and body. But not jobs that humiliate. Jewellery is okay on women, but not on men, and not too much. Make up should be just for your husband. You can wear coloured clothes and show your face. [The older man disagrees, saying women should cover their face and hands.]

– Shouldn’t men also cover up to avoid women looking at other people’s husbands?

– Our women ask the same question. Some men can’t control themselves and the woman is the source. It’s easier to prevent abuse. The men’s role is to go out and work. Man’s brain is bigger than the woman’s—that’s scientifically proven. Men’s brains have different areas for speaking and thinking, but women’s don’t which is why women they say what they think.

– What if your interpretation of the Koran is wrong?

– There are two types of verse. Firstly ones that are stable and unchanging, such as head-covering. Secondly ones on which people can differ, such as the rule demanding ablution after touching a woman. Does that mean touching her skin or intercourse? Opinions can differ.

– Do you consider any Islamists too radical, like the Taliban, for example?

– There are people committed to Islam and then those far from it. No one committed is too radical. We haven’t met anyone from the Taliban but they seem good Muslims because they defended their religion and the occupation, they kicked out the enemy and applied sharia.

– Did you study religion?

– I was poor but I read the Bible, and lots of Jewish and Islamic books. My head and heart told me to accept the Koran and the Sunna [accompanying religious texts]. Islam is different because it has a complete view of life, society, politics, economics—it is a complete system.

– We hear there is a split inside Jabhat al-Nusra about your links to al-Qaeda. Do you disagree about that or other matters?

– There are small differences, but when we give loyalty, we obey.

 

Source: Panorama.am

Filed Under: Articles

Plaintiffs file devastating response to US Government’s anti-Armenian brief

May 29, 2013 By administrator

Lawyers on behalf of Armenian plaintiffs responded last week to the U.S. Government’s brief which had urged the Supreme Court not to review a Federal Appeals Court decision striking down a California law extending the statute of limitations on Armenian Genocide-era insurance claims.

The Solicitor General, on behalf of the U.S. government, had filed a politically-motivated and flawed brief that completely misrepresented the insurance case and raised Harot Sasonianunwarranted questions about the legality of the California law.

In his brief on the plaintiffs’ behalf, Igor Timofeyev argues that the California statute (Section 354.4) does not violate any established federal policy and should therefore not be preempted. He asserts that California has the right to regulate the obligations of insurance companies, a traditional sphere of state competence and jurisdiction.

The plaintiffs’ lawyer accuses the US government of advancing “an unprecedented theory of federal affairs preemption: All claims arising out of international incidents are committed exclusively to the federal competence, even when these claims involve private actors and private contracts, and the federal government has taken no action to resolve them.”

Timofeyev qualifies the U.S. government’s position as “revolutionary” and “antithetical to the respect due to the states as separate sovereigns.” He then summarizes his counter-arguments in six points:

1) “To justify the Ninth Circuit’s aberrant decision, the Government articulates a foreign affairs field preemption theory of unprecedented breadth.” Timofeyev asserts: “Petitioners’ claims are against a private [German insurance] company, not against a foreign sovereign. Nor are these claims integral to ‘a major foreign policy dispute’ between the U.S. and a foreign nation.” The State of California, being “home to the overwhelming majority of Armenian-Americans,” has “a legitimate interest in securing compensation for its injured residents, irrespective of whether the underlying injury occurred in-state or abroad.”

2) “The court of appeals committed a fundamental error: It adjudged illegitimate a state’s well-established interests in regulating insurance, setting the statute of limitations for state-law claims, and ensuring compensation for its injured residents simply because the events giving rise to these claims occurred overseas. That is not the law.”

3) Countering the Government’s contention that Section 354.4 is based on “a distinct political point of view on a specific matter of foreign policy… one that decries the actions of the Ottoman Empire,” Timofeyev reminds the court that Pres. Obama himself acknowledges that the Ottoman mass murders were “one of the worst atrocities of the 20th century.” Furthermore, the President commended states for commemorating “the massacre [of Armenians] in the final days of the Ottoman Empire.” Timofeyev also asserts that “the President’s repeated praise for states’ commemorative efforts is fundamentally inconsistent with the Government’s claim that the foreign affairs doctrine automatically preempts any state action expressing a ‘point of view’ on this issue.”

4) “The Government tries to bootstrap its preemption argument by invoking the U.S. efforts to negotiate a resolution of World War I era claims…. The Government concedes that Section 354.4 ‘does not conflict’ with any of these diplomatic efforts. Indeed, the Government acknowledges that ‘the United States did not…attempt to negotiate the resolution of claims by Armenians who were injured by the Ottoman Empire during that period.’” In fact, one of the reasons why the US Senate refused to ratify the American Treaty of Lausanne was “the absence of provisions for the Armenian refugees and exiles from the Ottoman Empire.”

5) The Government seems alarmed that Section 354.4 “imposes the politically charged label of ‘genocide’” on Turkey, which “could provoke Turkey’s ire. But fear of ‘upsetting foreign powers…even when the Federal Government desperately wants to avoid upsetting foreign powers’ is not a legitimate reason to preempt traditional state activity…. The Government cannot explain why, if the term ‘Armenian Genocide’ employed by Section 354.4 would have an adverse effect on foreign affairs, the same would not hold equally for laws and resolutions adopted by about forty states that expressly recognize the Armenian Genocide by name. Nor does the Government explain why a statute ‘creating judicially enforceable rights’ is more offensive to Turkey than state laws including the Armenian Genocide as part of mandatory school curricula.”

6) “The Ninth Circuit’s aberrant decision is generating confusion among lower courts.”

Timofeyev rightly concludes his brief by urging the Supreme Court to “review and correct the Ninth Circuit’s decision before it causes greater mischief.”
Harut Sassounian
Publisher, The California Courier

Filed Under: Articles

Turkish government, opposition engage in war of Reyhanlı words

May 29, 2013 By administrator

The prime minister and the main opposition leader of Turkey have hurled severe charges against each other over their approach and alleged possible role in twin-bomb attacks which have so far killed 52 people, Hurriyet Daily News reported.

Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan overtly accused the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) of provoking people, while remaining vague about a game 333being played with sectarianism initiated by forces outside Turkey.

CHP leader Kemal Kilichdaroglu harshly criticized the government for the alleged failure to act on time concerning the attacks in Reyhanli, the town on the Syrian border which was hit by two car bombings on May 11. This failure took place despite intelligence, Kilichdaroglu said, quoting the exact date of the intelligence submitted by the National Intelligence Organization (MİT).

Speaking at a parliamentary group meeting of his ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), Erdoğan argued that certain forces were attempting to play a dangerous game in Hatay.

“So much so that this game is being planned outside Turkey. With its extensions inside Turkey, it is being attempted by deceiving the citizens of the Republic of Turkey. Here, a political sectarianism is being created. This is a very dangerous game,” Erdoğan said.

He accused the opposition, primarily the CHP, of provoking Hatay and Turkey before anything was clear after the Reyhanlı incident. He noted that they knew that “very severe and very dangerous attempts for provocation” were taking place in the region and that they were closely monitoring it.

“Activities at the level of treason by some dark people in disguise as journalists, traders, and businessman have been detected in Hatay and they are being arrested and submitted to the judiciary. Unfortunately, contacts between these people and some deputies inside the CHP have been confirmed with evidence and documents. For example, the Hatay representative of a newspaper close to the CHP has been arrested with quite obvious evidence of espionage. In rallies, demonstrations in Hatay and its towns, the effects of these structures with roots on the outside [of Turkey] have been detected, especially in attempts of attacks against refugees,” Erdoğan said.

For his part, Kılıçdaroğlu questioned the details about the attack. “When was the last time that MİT warned the officials?” he asked, and continued by saying, “Should I give the date? May 9, 2013. I am saying the date as well. I am asking you questions you cannot overcome. When I tell you ‘You are the murderer of those 52 people’, there are things I know.”

Turkey blamed Syria for the bombings, with the government officials.

“The intelligence organization works to determine the vehicles, it has tracked them since April, it announces it to the concerned authorities; and they [government] are waiting. An explosion happens, 52 people lose their lives. Who is responsible: the CHP,” Kılıçdaroğlu said bitterly.

“MİT is not tied to any ministry. It is directly tied to you. It is giving you information. Now you get up [and say] ‘There is a lack of coordination among intelligence organizations,’” he said, adding that they knew that the intelligence organizations had made the last warning on the phone. Kılıçdaroğlu argued that the intelligence had done its part, yet the government failed to perform its duty.

Kilichdaroglu further accused the government of igniting the conflict in Syria, saying, “They are sending these militants to Syria saying ‘Go kill your brothers.’ They are handing them arms and putting money in their pockets.”

“I wonder, how did those vehicles come to Turkey from Syria?” Kılıçdaroğlu asked, arguing that the Syrian border had been left without surveillance. He further criticized the lack of border control saying “How come there are no security cameras? Because they are training the militants of the terrorist organization.”

He said if there were security cameras, such training would be detected and the removal of cameras was a form of logistic support.

Armenian News – Tert.am

Filed Under: Articles

Lessons from the First Republic



May 29, 2013 By administrator

BY MARIA TITIZIAN

After centuries of being stateless, the First Republic of Armenia, 1918-1920 was founded thanks to the perseverance, valor and heroism of the Armenian people and their leaders. These lands that we are blessed to walk upon are laden with the blood of those martyrs who fought courageous battles at Sardarabad, Bash Aparan and mariatitizian31-300x284Kharakiliseh. With their lives, they ensured the Armenian people their own place in the world.

This year marks the 95th anniversary of that short-lived First Republic but one which became the guarantor of our independence and freedom today.

My intention is not to provide a history lesson; I am nowhere near qualified to embark on such a discourse. What I do want to present here are some passages from Simon Vratsyan’s The Armenian Republic, which I have been reading. What sparked my desire to read it had nothing to do with this landmark anniversary and everything to do with improving my knowledge of our language and history. This endeavor coincided with the relentless verbal diarrhea of our current Minister of Education, Armen Ashotyan about the reasons for the collapse of the First Republic. He could learn some lessons from our history, which he claims to know so much about.

It is no surprise that when certain powers in Armenia want to discredit other political powers, they reference the capitulation of the First Republic of Armenia to the Soviets as an example failure and treason.

Without getting overly political, which I am consciously trying to avoid being these days, certain passages from Vratsyan’s work left an indelible impression and forced me to contemplate where we are today as a state and nation 95 years on.

To put these passages in their proper context, the following must be noted: the First Republic was founded following the Armenian Genocide, toward the end of the First World War as empires were crumbling and alliances were shifting. The Armenian Republic had to contend with a starving refugee population, one which had been violently thrust from its lands in Western Armenia; it had to create non-existent state structures from the ground up; it had to protect its fragile borders against encroaching invasion and provide food and shelter to its desolate citizens. It was also ardently progressive, it established the institutions of democracy, allowed women to vote and be elected to office, and it appointed a woman, Diana Abkar as its ambassador to Japan at a time when women in many Western countries did not have the right to vote.

Toward the end of its two year existence, the First Republic of Armenia, against all odds had been registering small successes. Simon Vratsyan who was the last Prime Minister of the First Republic writes:

“The year 1920, for all intents and purposes, began under successful conditions. There reigned a relative peace in domestic life and on the borders. The people in all areas of the country were occupied with productive activities. From top to bottom, from the parliament to the furthest village authority, everyone was absorbed with the awareness of their responsibilities: they were creating a State. And the State, day by day was flourishing and improving. Those who had seen Armenia one year earlier no longer recognized it – everything had changed so much from the train station to the appearance of the streets all the way to the consciousness of society. No longer did anyone doubt the future of Armenia; everyone was working to strengthen their foundation, to accelerate the reconstruction.” (The Armenian Republic)
Vratsyan goes on to explain in detail the process of building state structures and institutions including, the establishment of the first Congress of Armenian Cities, the creation of trade unions but most important of all, the establishment of a university.

On January 4, 1920 during the opening ceremonies of the first Congress of Armenian Cities, which included the cities of Yerevan, Alexandrapol (Gyumri), Kars, Nor Bayazet, Ashtarak, and Ghamarlu, Vratsyan recalls the importance that was accorded to cities in the process nation-building. He writes that A. Abeghayan, a representative of the ARF faction in parliament during the opening ceremonies said: “A people who was sentenced to death one year ago, today has the possibility to organize a congress on local autonomy.” (The Armenian Republic)

On January 26, 1920 the first session of Council of Trade Unions of Armenia was held in Yerevan with the participation of 38 representatives from 13 trade unions including cooperatives, pharmacists, public servants, banks, and workers from leather factories, print houses, bakeries, orphanages and others. A resolution was adopted at that session, which stated: “The first session of the union of all unions welcomes Armenian workers and the victory of their government, which is the first step of the victory for Armenian political rights. The council of the union of unions believes that the Armenian government will not allow the achieved freedom to serve the interests of any imperialistic state and it will navigate the Armenian state’s ship toward the well-being of all workers…” (The Armenian Republic)
On May 16, 1919 the Armenian government passed a decision regarding the creation of a university. This became a reality several months later with the opening of the first branch in Alexandrapol on January 31, 1920. The school had one faculty, History and Linguistics with 262 students and 32 lecturers. Many high ranking guests and foreign dignitaries participated in the opening ceremonies including Speaker of the Parliament Avedis Aharonian, Prime Minister Alexander Khatisian, and Minister of Public Education Nikol Aghbalian who said: “This torch that we are lighting today on the Armenian plateau, will never go out and will illuminate all of Asia.” (The Armenian Republic)

Nikol Aghbalian was the Minister of Public Education from August 1919 to May 1920 and in the fall of 1919, had presented a program of school reconstruction in the country where parochial schools were to be converted to five year compulsory education. According to Aghbalian’s program, about 900 schools were to be constructed but the program was not implemented because most of the school buildings had to be converted into hospitals, orphanages and refugee houses. Despite all the problems 22 schools were opened in Yerevan, Dilijan, Kharakiliseh and Alexandrapol with 5162 students and 283 teachers. In the same time period, 1420 elementary schools were functioning in Armenia with 38,000 students and 1000 teachers, half of which had degrees in education.

Nikol Aghbalian was also instrumental in transporting the library of the Armenian Ethnographic Society from Tbilisi to Yerevan. Under his tenure, a Directorate of Antiquities was formed to preserve architectural heritage. Toros Toramanyan, known for his excavations in Ani was appointed as head of the directorate and as such was able to restart work in Zvartnots.
Aghbalian institutionalized a program that was approved by the government to eradicate illiteracy in adults and opened up a number of People’s Universities in Yerevan, Dilijan, Ijevan, Vanadzor and Gyumri open to any person of any age, race or sex.

At the same time, he sent a message to Armenians in the Diaspora to collect ancient manuscripts and historical items spread around the world. On December 26, 1919 he had declared the Armenian language as the official language of the Republic of Armenia.
Nikol Aghbalian achieved all of this in less than one year as Minister of Public Education during the First Republic under excruciatingly difficult conditions with almost no resources almost a century ago.

The ARF leadership at the time, Aram Manougian, Alexander Khatisian, Avedis Aharonian, Hamo Ohanjanian, Garo Sassouni, Simon Vratsyan and countless others worked, lived and served by example and with a value system which we should all strive for. They were true leaders who understood the value and fragility of statehood.

Hamo Ohanjanian was the third Prime Minister of the First Republic; his son took part and was martyred in the Battle of Kharakiliseh. How many of our current ministers’ sons have served in the Third Armenian Republic’s Armed Forces? When Hovhannes Katchaznouni, the first Prime Minister of the First Republic, was going to travel to the United States to raise funds for the newly established Republic, he had to sell his coat and other personal belongings to secure funds for his passage there. How many of our regime’s leaders are willing to sell any of their belongings for the viability of our country?

Perhaps Mr. Ashotyan has the answers to these and many other questions.

Filed Under: Articles

Armenia’s First Republic Day celebrated in Athens

May 29, 2013 By administrator

May 29, 2013 – 12:37 AMT

160131 Armenia’s First Republic Day celebrations were held in Athens, organized by RA embassy and ARF Dashnaktsutyun’s Central Committee in Greece.

Armenia’s First Republic Day celebrations were held in Athens, organized by RA embassy and ARF Dashnaktsutyun’s Central Committee in Greece.

The event featured a concert by Folk Instruments Ensemble and ARF youth union’s choir.

Ambassador Gagik Ghalachyan, Greek Armenian national board leader Ara Mangoyan, Prelate of Armenian Diocese of Greece Bishop Khoren Doghramadjian and representatives of Greek Armenian organizations attended the event.

Filed Under: Articles

Prince Charles Alley to open in Armenia’s Dilijan (PHOTO)

May 29, 2013 By administrator

May 29, 2013 | 10:52

An alley of plane trees named after Charles, His Royal Highness (HRH) The Prince of Wales, will be planted in Armenia’s City of Dilijan.

155553A certificate commemorating the opening of the Prince Charles Alley was awarded to HRH by Veronika Zonabend and Ruben Vardanyan, the founders of Dilijan International School (DIS).

The certificate was awarded during Prince Charles’ private visit to Armenia as guest of Armen Sarkissian’s Yerevan My Love Charitable Foundation, at an event held at capital city Yerevan’s Mesrop Mashtots Institute of Ancient Manuscripts (Matenadaran).

After getting acquainted with the Institute’s collection, Prince Charles was given a presentation about DIS, which will be opening its doors in September 2014.

Sixty-five plane trees will be planted in Dilijan. The plane tree is a symbol of DilijanInternationalSchool.

Filed Under: Articles

Obama’s photographer Scout Tufankjian reveals her secrets

May 29, 2013 By administrator

May 29, 2013 | 00:01

By Anna Ghazaryan

YEREVAN. – Not everyone is able to learn from someone who photographed presidents, especially the U.S. president. However, the students of TUMO center were provided with an opportunity to attend the class of American photojournalist of Armenian origin Scout Tufankjian. Here, in Armenia, she is known as a photographer who shot Obama’s presidential campaign as well as “The Armenian Diaspora Project.”

“My friend Sara Anjargolian runs the photography program here and I have heard about TUMO. It is an amazing organization and when she asked me if I would come over to teach a workshop class I immediately said yes,” Scout tells us in the center prior to her lesson.

She believes the most important thing for a photographer is to be interested in what he/she is doing.

“I am interested in people, their lives and stories,” Scout says.

Listening how enthusiastically Scout talks about working with children, you can see that she is really interested in teaching.

“The most difficult thing is having different levels in the class. Some of the kids have been photographing for a long time and some are new to it. The most difficult thing is making sure that the more experienced kids are not bored, while the less experienced kids are not left behind,” she says.

It may seem that making photos of politicians is not that interesting: serious people wearing ties, they hardly can express a lot of emotions. However, Scout notes that she was not shooting a politician, but presidential campaign – people surrounding the president and supporting him.

“The supporters are what interest me about political campaign, the people who seem to give up their lives in order to try to get someone elected. I do not really consider myself to be a real political photographer. I photographed Obama for 3 years, but the whole time I was photographing him, this story to me was as much if not more about his supporters than it was about him and his family,” she says.

President is a public figure but nowadays not only politicians are in the limelight. With the advent of social networks and Instagram, millions of people turned into nonprofessional photographers. Some are posting the photos of a party, while others are taking photos of food and even dress they bought minutes ago. Being a professional photographer, Scout is not concerned about it. The more people are paying attention to photography the better it is, she believes.

Talking to her, I could not but ask a piece of advice. “I shoot with Nikon and Leica. I shoot with two different cameras. Now I shoot with Leica, it is quieter, smaller and easier,” she says pointing at her camera which is next to her event during the interview. “My first camera was a kind of a plastic camera. I also used to shoot with my father’s old Voigtländer.”

Scout has positive attitude towards modern devices and Photoshop, too. She believes it is just a matter of trying to match up the subject matter with the right tool.

“For example when I was in Anatolia photographing all old Armenian villages, I shot a lot with an iPhone because I’ve seen the pictures of people who fled the genocide. They were all kind of square. The stories that these people were told and retold many times and they are almost like fairy tales. So I shot with an iPhone to get the sense of the past and story-telling, kind of fantasy versus reality. But I would not shoot an Egyptian revolution with an iPhone because it is not about their relationship with past and the present,” the photographer says, adding she would like to visit  North Africa, West Africa, India, Yemen and many other places.

For all those who want to take photos she has two secrets of photography: first of all you must take a lot of pictures. Secondly, you must shoot the things you are interested in, the things you are curious about, something you do not know but want to know.

“Famous photojournalist Robert Capa once said the most important thing about the photography is to like the people you shoot and let them know it,” she says.

Filed Under: Articles

U.S. Supreme Court urged to review Genocide-era insurance case

May 26, 2013 By administrator

May 25, 2013 – 11:14 AMT

PanARMENIAN.Net –  The plaintiffs in the Armenian Genocide-era insurance claims case filed an incisive and thoughtfully argued brief urging the Supreme Court to “review and correct” the Ninth Circuit’s 2012 decision striking down a California law extending the statute of limitations on such matters, reported 159786the Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA).

The plaintiff’s brief came in response to one filed by the U.S. Solicitor General less than two weeks ago, which urged the Supreme Court not to review the case. The Supreme Court is set to consider all submissions dealing with the Armenian Genocide-era insurance case on June 6, and will issue a decision whether or not to take the case soon thereafter.

“This case raises important questions of states’ ability to enact laws for the benefit of their own citizens that do not conflict with the federal government’s foreign policy or actions,” noted Igor Timofeyev of Paul Hastings LLP, who is serving as the lead counsel for plaintiffs on a pro-bono basis. “Along with several Attorneys General from around the country, we believe the Supreme Court should resolve this issue.”

In the 19-page response, plaintiffs argue that while the Solicitor General’s brief does not cite any Congressional or Presidential action that would have blocked California’s ability to extend the statute of limitations on Genocide-era insurance claims, the Government is advancing a “revolutionary proposition that states lack all authority to enact legislation concerning their citizens’ private claims if they originate in events that occurred abroad.” The Solicitor General’s position “advances an unprecedented theory of federal foreign affairs preemption” that is “antithetical to the respect due to states as separate sovereigns,” the brief continued.

“We would like to thank Igor Timofeyev and the team at Paul Hastings LLP for their expert legal representation,” said ANCA Government Affairs Director Kate Nahapetian. “Whether or not the Supreme Court agrees to review this case – which will be based on federalism grounds and not the merits of the claims – we will not be deterred from pursuing what even the Solicitor General and lower courts have recognized as unremedied claims.”

The Armenian Genocide-era insurance claims case has traveled a long and complex legal path, which has included three separate and conflicting opinions from the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals, the most recent on February 23, 2012. That decision struck down the California law extending the statute of limitations for certain life insurance claims based on an unprecedented expansion of the rarely invoked doctrine of foreign affairs field preemption. Defendant Munich Re, a German insurance company, is represented by Neil Soltman of Mayer Brown’s Los Angeles office.

Filed Under: Articles

ANCA calls on State Department to condemn actions against Sevan Nisanyan

May 26, 2013 By administrator

May 25, 2013 | 19:29

The Armenian National Committee of America asked the State Department to condemn the Turkish government’s legal actions against Sevan Nisanyan, an 155212Armenian blogger who, having been pressured in the past over remarks on the Armenian Genocide, was recently sentenced to a year in prison for “blasphemy.”
The ANCA noted its efforts, prior to Hrant Dink’s assassination, to encourage the U.S. to openly stand up against this courageous journalist’s persecution for speaking truthfully about the Armenian Genocide.

Tragically – the ANCA letter pointed out – the State Department ignored these appeals and only spoke out openly on Hrant Dink’s case after he had been murdered, ANCA said in a statement.

Earlier Turkish court sentenced Sevan Nisanyan to 13.5 months in prison for “blasphemy.”

Filed Under: Articles

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