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James Robins: Anzac and the Armenian Genocide

April 24, 2016 By administrator

Armenian genocide, orphans

Armenian genocide, orphans

( nzherald.co.nz) Journalist and historian James Robins writes about the Genocide of Armenians in Turkey during the First World War, and New Zealand’s historic, but forgotten, links with this event.By James Robins

On April 24, 1915, the day before Anzac soldiers landed amid a hail of rifle-fire on the beaches of Gallipoli, 250 Armenians were seized from their homes in the Ottoman Empire. Politicians, priests and poets, the essence of Armenian cosmopolitan life, would never be heard from again.

It was the warning shot for what would become the Armenian Genocide: the systematic and near-complete destruction of a people. Estimates vary, but at least one million Armenians (principal among other ethnic and religious minorities like the Assyrians and Greeks) would be dead by the end of World War I. April 24 is a memorial day in Armenia.

New Zealand soldiers witnessed the massacres and deportations firsthand. Some would be killed defending Armenian refugees. After the war, New Zealanders would give generously to the survivors, travelling to the Middle East to lend what expertise they could to alleviate the suffering.

 https://soundcloud.com/nzherald/journalist-james-robins-talks-to-newstalk-zbs-andrew-dickens

Gallipoli has long been considered the fire in which this country was born. But as this forgotten story shows, a modern humanitarian movement was also born, and New Zealanders were essential to it.

How to destroy a people

For centuries the Armenians had been second-class citizens in the Ottoman Empire, often used as scapegoats by the Sultan, then later the ‘Young Turk’ regime which seized power in 1908 and took Turkey into the war.

Armenians were initially allowed in the Ottoman Army. But after a humiliating defeat at the hands of the Russians in the winter of 1914-15, Armenians were quickly demoted into labour battalions and became human cattle. At the same time, Armenian civilians were set upon by local authorities who accused them of being traitors.

But the killing had yet to start in earnest. That would begin with the round-up of the Armenian bourgeoisie, and it isn’t just a quirk of history that it happened as warships loomed off the coast of the Dardanelles.

Historians Jay Winter and Taner Akcam have both pointed out the Gallipoli invasion was the match that lit the flame. “It seems to me no coincidence,” Akcam writes, “that the decision behind the Armenian Genocide was made during the fierce battles of the Gallipoli campaign, when the Ottoman Empire’s very existence seemed to balance between life and death. The hopeless situation into which Ottomans had fallen produced a willingness to rely on extraordinary acts of cruelty.”

Listen: Journalist and historian James Robins talks to Newstalk ZB’s Andrew Dickens about the Genocide of Armenians in Turkey during the First World War.

While the Anzacs were fighting for every foothold at Gallipoli, a distinct plan was being enacted by the Ottoman government. The usual pattern went something like this: Turkish troops would enter an Armenian village and order the able-bodied men and boys to the outskirts where they would be shot, hacked, burned or beaten to death. Young women were raped en masse. The rest were deported from their homes, marched from across the Ottoman Empire, funnelling down into the arid deserts of Syria. Some were carried on disease-ridden railways, others were forced to walk.

This was not anarchy, but deliberate, finely-tuned policy. The Press in Christchurch carried a report from its London correspondent in November 1915 which made the reality clear: “It is accepted as beyond doubt that crimes recently committed were engineered [by the government].”

But although New Zealanders were reading of these atrocities alongside war reports from Gallipoli, the story of the links between New Zealand and the Armenian Genocide does not really begin until August 8, 1915: the assault on Chunuk Bair.

‘Til his spine was broke’

For two days, the heights of Chunuk Bair were a scene of success amid a mire of confusion, failure, and suicidal decisions. The Wellington Battalion held the hillside against incredible odds, fending off Turkish counter-attacks as both enemy and Allied artillery shells landed on them. Of the 760 men who had gone up Chunuk Bair, only 70 came back down uninjured.

But the rest weren’t just wounded or killed – some were taken prisoner by Ottoman forces.

By the time British troops scaled Chunuk Bair on August 10, 23 New Zealanders were found in the hands of the enemy. Seventeen were from the Wellingtons, four from the Aucklanders, and two from the Otago Battalion. For the next few years, those two dozen men would see more killing than they had witnessed on the jagged cliffs and coves of the Dardanelles. They would witness the Armenian Genocide first hand.

Over the course of the war, 15 New Zealanders would spend time in captivity in a town called Afyonkarahissar (Afyon for short) at one of the many PoW camps. Afyon was once home to a community of 7500 Armenians. Those invisible bodies would come to haunt the Allied soldiers held there.

In an Armenian church forcibly cleared of its congregants, a number of British and Anzac officers were held. Thomas Walter White, an Australian captain, wrote in his diary that Armenians had been “turned into the street from their last possible sanctuary” to make room.

Sergeant John Halpin described Afyon as having “an atmosphere of desecration – the desecration of the House of Christ, and His martyred children of Armenia.”

Captain White noted meeting a number of New Zealanders in the lengthy diary he kept.

White also recorded the deportations during his journey to Afyon, including “a large camp of Armenians herded together … waiting to be sent on marches that had always the same ending.”

White wrote about “numbers of women and children who had been driven in from far distant towns. They were brutally kicked and treated … Some of the women through walking great distances with out [sic] boots had to crawl along on hands and knees owing to having such badly lacerated feet.”

There were individual acts of pure cruelty in the town too: “An Armenian tailor seated on his doorstep with his back broken having had his head forced down till his spine was broke”.

Scenes like these became regular as the genocide gathered ferocity.

This is but a sample of what those prisoners of war witnessed. New Zealander soldiers would have heard the same stories as White, would have seen those acts of cruelty. In Afyon, in other PoW camps and on the battlefields, they experienced the genocide in progress.

In November 1917, the Auckland Mounted Rifles entered the Palestinian port of Jaffa (the first time it had changed hands in hundreds of years). What they discovered was shocking: Turkish soldiers had systematically destroyed an Armenian cemetery, smashing headstones until barely anything was left. The New Zealanders arrived just in time to save a few of the graves.

It seemed that anywhere Kiwi soldiers went, either as fighting men or prisoners, the ghosts of Armenian lives would be there too.

The Rearguard

In 1918, when the first Gallipoli memorial services were taking place, a British general gave his name to a band of commandos tasked with seizing strategic areas in north-west Iran and the southern Caucasus. The Dunsterforce, comprised of New Zealand, Australian, Canadian, and ‘Imperial’ troops, failed miserably in their mission.

During their long retreat to British-held Mesopotamia, the Dunsterforce learned that Turkish troops were descending on a town called Urmia. The Armenian and Assyrian population evacuated. Of 100,000 locals, roughly 70,000 got away. An Australian, Captain Stanley Savige, went out with 22 men (including a handful of New Zealanders) to protect them.

According to Savige, this doomed column snaking across parched valleys, was 24km long.

There were “thousands in the valley,” Savige wrote in his memoir. “Along the road they were still streaming in thousands more … Terror and despair was deeply written on their faces.

“The unfortunate women folk were so overcome at the sight of the first party of British that they wept aloud.

“With lumps in our throats we ignored the cries of the helpless in our endeavour to save as many as we could.”

But Savige couldn’t save them all. He wondered later whether shooting them would be more humane than letting them die on the roadside.

With the Turks at their back, aided by Kurdish irregulars, Savige joined a minute number of troops at the rear of the refugee column as they trekked through hostile country.

On August 5, 1918 (almost three years to the day since the assault on Chunuk Bair) the rearguard were set upon by Kurdish militia troops near a small village called Chalkainan.

Outnumbered 10 to one, the small unit managed to force the Kurds back, but their Lewis machine guns were fast running out of ammunition.

Captain Robert Kenneth Nicol, a painter from Lower Hutt, sent out Sergeant Alexander Nimmo, a farmer from Mosgiel, to collect ammo from the village but they were attacked from the rear sides. Nicol did his best to give covering fire, but was shot and killed. The last person he ever spoke to was Nimmo.

Nicol’s body was never recovered. His name appears on the Commonwealth War Graves Commission’s memorial in Tehran.

If any more evidence was needed of the Dunsterforce’s bravery, a Royal Army Film Unit accompanied them. Incredibly, their reels captured the streams of the destitute and dispossessed, Anzac soldiers alongside providing what safety they could. These soldiers weren’t obliged to protect the refugees, but they did anyway. It was a selfless mission, an example that would be followed when the war ended.

‘Golden chain of mercy’

What happened to the Armenians was widely reported during the war, even in modest New Zealand newspapers like the Feilding Star and Oamaru Mail. But the suffering of the Armenians didn’t cease after the Armistice.

With the Allied Powers reluctant to establish an Armenian Mandate, the duty to protect fell to humanitarians, internationalists, and churches. Their task was immense, the plight of those Armenians left behind becoming more desperate by the day: Only 150,000 Armenians had survived the deportations down to Syria. Half of them tried to venture back to their homeland. Disease and hunger were chipping away at the rest. The anguish of places like Aleppo, Raqqa, Diyarbakir, and Deir ez-Zor were repeated across Turkey, the Middle East, and Mediterranean.

New Zealanders were collecting donations to aid the victims as early as 1915. But the aid efforts began in earnest with the US-based Near East Relief fund. Between 1915 and 1929, Near East Relief would raise more than US$116 million in cash and goods (about US$1 billion in today’s money).

Immediately after the war, Near East Relief sent out entire flotillas of ships with repurposed military equipment and platoons of doctors aboard to deliver aid to the Armenians. They established hospitals and refugee centres in place of the killing fields.

In 1922, Near East Relief chose a man named Lionel Wirt as one of their spokesmen after he had proved himself by establishing relief committees in every state of the US.

He was tasked with touring the Pacific to organise disparate funds and committees under the umbrella of the Near East Relief. He set out from San Francisco in February 1922, speaking and recruiting in Japan, China, Korea, the Philippines, and Australia, before arriving in Auckland on July 17.

The Auckland Star described him as “short, smart, dapper, with penetrating be-glassed eyes, and all the efficient push of the American business man, combined with the cultured manner of the American professional man”.

Wirt immediately set into action. “We are trying to stretch a golden chain of mercy across the Pacific, with a link in every country,” he declared. “I appeal to New Zealand to help us … We do not want money so much as food and clothing … Is it too much to ask for a 1000-ton ship loaded with produce and workers from New Zealand?”

Wirt would echo his call throughout the country, urging donations of food, wheat, wool, milk, blankets, old clothing and leather to be loaded onto the “Mercy Ship”.

His Auckland lectures were attended by senior clergy, city councillors, and the mayor James Gunson. All ended with unanimous motions of sympathy passed and relief committees formed.

A week later, Wirt was “greeted with prolonged applause” at a civic reception in Wellington. Letters from the Prime Minister and Wellington’s MP regretted not being able to attend. Again more motions were passed, and committees started. The pattern would be repeated in Dunedin and Christchurch.

On his final days in New Zealand, Wirt told a Wellington crowd: “My heart has been touched a hundred times by the generous and sympathetic response which the people of New Zealand have made to my appeal for the saving of our Armenian brothers.” Wirt stated that both the governor-general and prime minister had good wishes for the “Mercy Ship”.

Other visits were made to New Zealand for the Armenian cause – Reverend James Creswell toured the country in July 1923 for the Australasian Armenian Relief Fund, as did Armstrong Smith for Save the Children – but Wirt’s tour left an indelible mark.

By 1923, huge amounts of food and clothing, along with hundreds of pounds, had been shipped (free of charge) to Sydney for the Armenian relief effort. As late as 1927 relief drives were being undertaken by the Red Cross and YWCA. Newspapers would regularly carry full-page ads encouraging donations for “Starving Armenians”. “One pound feeds and clothes a child for a week,” their taglines read.

Echoes of these phrases can be heard in relief campaigns today. Indeed, most modern aid organisations can trace their ancestry back to Near East Relief, and their attempts to save the Armenians.

‘Come from God’

Amid a cast of thousands, two people perhaps best embody the internationalist ideal which emerged after World War I. They were New Zealander John Knudsen and his wife Lydia.

John Henry Knudsen was a blue-eyed, fair-haired alumni of Christ’s College in Christchurch who was drafted into the war late, serving as a Captain in France. He married Lydia Davidson in Cairo in 1920 and joined the Near East Relief. He was posted to Syria-Palestine (then a British mandate), and oversaw the creation of an orphanage for Armenian children which the husband and wife duo would run for the next seven years.

Based in Antilyas, just north of Beirut (now the capital of Lebanon), the Australasian Orphanage opened in late 1922 and, although belonging to the Near East Relief, was run with funds and supplies raised in Australia and New Zealand.

Previously a paper mill, it initially housed 1700 Armenian children. They were fed, clothed, and taught trades like bootmaking, carpentry, and tailoring. Thousands of children were tended by the Knudsens’ care, lost souls with no homeland to turn to, no nation that could accept them. By the efforts of the Knudsens and the humanitarians that supported them, the tide of genocide was, for a moment, halted at the Orphanage gates.

Reverend Creswell, an Australian, embarked on a mission through the Middle East and the Mediterranean in 1923. In February, he visited the Australasian Orphanage and was warmly welcomed by the Knudsens, later saying “there were no workers for whom he felt more appreciation”.

John Knudsen took Creswell to an Armenian refugee camp near Beirut where more than 5000 “homeless wanderers gathered … There are probably a thousand habitations, each one would make you laugh, unless your sobs beat your laughter to it.”

During Creswell’s time at the Orphanage, 11 Armenian boys arrived, part of a group rescued from the Turkish interior, a land still riven with killings and ethnic cleansing.

According to Australian historian Vicken Babkenian, the boys had travelled “several hundred miles in a few days and were perhaps a little frightened of their new surroundings. Whatever was taking place in the minds of these little children became clear when, while doing her rounds of the dormitories, Lydia Knudsen noticed that the 11 newcomers were huddled together like little puppies under one blanket. She felt hesitant to disturb them. By doing so, she not only got them comfortable for the night, she was also able to assure them of her own good intentions toward them, and the kindness of everyone in their new world.”

Creswell would later write that “most the fellows were so much waifs of the world that they could not remember their parents and few of them even knew their own names. The smallest of all, when asked from where he had come, whispered confidingly to Mrs Knudsen, as he nestled her sleepily that he had ‘Come from God’.”

NZ soldiers rescued victims

These moving stories show that New Zealand soldiers were not just pawns in a game of empires, and nor were ordinary citizens isolated from traumas elsewhere. They rescued victims of the first genocide in modern history, the horror of which would move Raphael Lemkin to coin the term genocide in 1943 and begin building an international legal framework to outlaw crimes against humanity.

The powerful links between New Zealanders and victims of the Armenian Genocide are, however, cast in a different light because, despite the wealth of evidence presented in newspapers, diplomatic cables, trials, governmental archives, and the words of the victims themselves, the Turkish state – from 1918 to now – denies that a genocide took place.

This forgotten past, now uncovered, brings into question the special relationship that exists between Australia, New Zealand, and Turkey. Can New Zealand state officials stand on a platform with Turkish officials at Gallipoli knowing that they actively refuse to acknowledge the truth of what happened to the Armenians? Knowing now that New Zealanders risked their lives for the survivors?

Filed Under: Articles, Genocide Tagged With: anzac, armenian genocide, James Robins

Police arrest five over alleged Anzac Day terrorism plot

April 18, 2015 By administrator

attack on Anzac Day. Photograph: Julian Smith/AAPIMAGE

attack on Anzac Day. Photograph: Julian Smith/AAPIMAGE

Sevdet Besim, 18, of Melbourne, charged with planning terrorist act as four others are held after early morning raids

A teenager accused of conspiracy to commit a terrorist act has been remanded in custody after early morning raids in Melbourne in relation to an alleged plot to attack police at Anzac Day events in the city. Report The guardian

Sevdet Besim, 18, from the suburb of Hallam, appeared at a brief hearing in the Melbourne magistrates court on Saturday charged with preparing, or planning, a terrorist act. He did not apply for bail, though his lawyer, Anthony Malkoun, indicated there would be a future application, and was remanded in custody for a filing hearing on 24 April.

Besim was one of five men arrested during counter-terrorism raids on Saturday morning in relation to alleged plans to carry out Islamic State-inspired attacks against police at events to mark the centenary of the landings at Gallipoli during the first world war.

The prime minister, Tony Abbott, urged Australians to attend Anzac Day commemorations in their numbers. “The best thing you can do in the face of those who would do us harm is to live your life normally,” he said.

An 18-year-old from Hampton Park was also expected to be charged with offences relating to preparing for a terrorist act, Australian federal police acting deputy commissioner Neil Gaughan told reporters.

A third 18-year-old, from Narre Warren, was arrested on weapons offences, while two more Narre Warren men, aged 18 and 19, were in custody assisting police.

Australia’s government has raised the country’s terror warning level in response to the domestic threat posed by supporters of the Islamic State group. In September last year, the group’s spokesman Abu Mohammed al-Adnani, issued a message urging attacks t be carried out abroad, specifically mentioning Australia.

More than 200 police were involved in the raids across Narre Warren, Hampton Park, Hallam and Eumemmerring at about 3am. Police were still at a number of properties in those areas on Saturday afternoon.

Victoria police acting chief commissioner Tim Cartwright said three of the five men had been treated for minor injuries received during the morning raids.

Filed Under: Articles Tagged With: anzac, attack, day, MELBOURNE

Armenian genocide forgotten in ANZAC commemorations

April 3, 2015 By administrator

B-egtksIMAAn-G6Camp out on the school oval under the stars like the ANZACS did 100 years ago,’ says the flyer sent home from my son’s school last week.

On 24 April 2015, 100 years after the ill-fated Gallipoli landing, our school children are invited to bake damper around the camp fire, make craft poppies and even learn how to play two-up. Report lowyinterpreter.org

But another centenary of war is taking place on 24 April. Effectively hidden behind the allied landing on the beach, and indelibly linked to the ANZAC story by geography and timing, the Armenian Genocide is largely forgotten in Australia, overshadowed by tragedies that are felt more as ‘our own’.

While Australian soldiers were landing on Turkey’s shoreline, the longstanding community of Armenians in Anatolia was being persecuted, arrested and murdered in the early stages of what would become one of the 20th century’s most systematic and far-reaching genocides. During April 1915, Armenian community leaders and the intellectual elite were being rounded up, beaten and hanged, leaving the remainder of the community unable to defend itself against the waves of systematic violence that were about to be unleashed.

The Armenian Genocide does not feature strongly in our nation’s history, yet Australia was well aware of the atrocities at the time, and among the eyewitnesses were some of our own ANZAC soldiers. Australian prisoners of war were held captive in Armenian churches and homes; servicemen not only saw the mass graves and deportations but even occasionally assisted Armenian civilians, as in the case of Arthur James Mills,  who wrote of having carried a four year-old girl to safety on his camel. The Armenian Genocide is, despite its invisibility in the contemporary Australian consciousness, closely linked to the story of Gallipoli.

So why won’t Australia talk about it?

The International Genocide Scholars Association recognises denial as the final stage of genocide, and it is this stage that successive Turkish governments have pursued ferociously. Today, Turkey continues to deny that these crimes happened at all, and prosecutes citizens who call the genocide by that name. It reduces the numbers of deaths so that ‘only’ some hundreds of thousands died rather than over a million; and in a classic strategy of genocide denial, blames the victims by claiming that the deportations of thousands of civilians through deserts, naked and starving, were ‘justified’ on the basis of military exigencies.

Worse still, the Turkish denial industry has coerced the governments of its allies into giving credence to such denialism, even into participating in this final, painful phase of genocide.

Genocide scholar Professor Colin Tatz, has written that ‘The entire apparatus of the (Turkish) state is attuned to denial’. This means that any perceived slight by another nation, even inconspicuously referring to the genocide, is met with threats of suspending diplomatic relations. In fact, in 2013 when the New South Wales Parliament had the temerity to pass a motion reiterating its 1997 recognition of the Armenian Genocide, along with a new acknowledgement of the Assyrian and Greek genocides by the Ottoman Empire, MPs were threatened with being prohibited from attending ANZAC Day events in 2015.

According to the website of the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, the relationship between Australia and Turkey is ‘close and productive’. It is unquestionably the allied landing at Gallipoli, this shared moment in our respective histories and the way its memory has united us, that is central to our relationship. Our diplomatic relations with Turkey are almost entirely predicated on it. It is within this context that we must view Foreign Minister Julie Bishop’s correspondence to the Australian Turkish Advocacy Alliance in June 2014.

Likely concerned by threats about Australia’s participation in Turkey’s 2015 commemorations, Bishop aimed to assuage any Turkish anxieties about Australia’s position. While asserting that the Australian Government’s position was not to become involved in this ‘sensitive debate’, she proceeded to do just that by stating that the Government does not ‘recognise these events as “genocide”‘.

In a history where forced deportation is euphemistically called ‘relocation’, where murder is reduced to ‘death’ and crimes described only as ‘tragedies’, choice of words is extremely important. By calling this a ‘debate’, Bishop chose to ignore the consensus among historians and genocide scholars, and implicitly accepted that there are two sides to this history, each equally valid. In doing so, she fell into the denialist trap of ‘manufactured controversy’ which relies on pointing to those few scholars who doubt the claim of genocide. But, as with Holocaust denial, this ‘other side’ need not be legitimised by granting it a place in the discussion.

In fact, the vast majority of scholars have determined that the evidence clearly supports a claim of genocide, in terms of both intent and implementation. There is quite simply, 100 years after the fact, no ‘other side’. As Geoffrey Robertson QC has written in his recent publication An Inconvenient Genocide, ‘There can be no doubt…that the crime committed against the Armenian population of the Ottoman Empire in 1915 was what today would be legally classed as genocide.’ A host of nations, including Germany, The Netherlands, Canada and France have formally taken this position, despite threats and reprisals from Turkey. Switzerland not only acknowledges the Genocide but has outlawed its denial.

Mustn’t Australia do the same, regardless of the consequences?

In terms of diplomatic relations with Turkey, the Australian Government is stuck between a rock and Mt Ararat, the snow-capped volcano that is imbued with cultural and national meaning for the Armenian community, but which lies physically in Turkey. The Australian Government cannot risk offending the nation that jointly commemorates our most significant national day, or it may jeopardise Australia’s ability to mourn our soldiers where they fell. Given the ANZAC legend is so key to Australian identity, this is a risk too great for Australia’s foreign policy. From an ethical standpoint, however, the position of the Australian Government not to acknowledge what is absolutely irrefutable according to academic and legal opinion means that it is not only condoning Turkey’s denial, but may even be contributing to the final stage of the Genocide itself.

On ANZAC Day 2015, silence will be observed and sunrises witnessed at dawn services. But as the day ends, as my son and his classmates return home after a night of camping in honour of our soldiers, who will remember the brutal and systematic genocide of the Armenians? Australia has a moral imperative to acknowledge the connection between our ANZAC story and the Armenian Genocide and to stop acting as a partner in denial.

Photo courtesy of Flickr user MichaEli.

Filed Under: Articles, Genocide Tagged With: anzac, armenian genocide, commemoration

Have we forgotten? Gallipoli and the Armenian Genocide

November 19, 2014 By administrator

By Robert Kaplan

Re-published from Abcnet.au

anzac-armenian-genocideA century ago, in a misconceived encounter on the history-soaked precipices of Asia Minor, the sons of Anzac received their battle initiation against the German-trained forces of the Ottoman Empire. Now, in an annual event that grows in mythology and status in proportion to the passing of the years, is celebrated the shared combat ordeal of gallant “Johnny Turk” and the Bronzed Anzac.

And why not? The Turkish forces, well prepared behind excellent defences, used their tactics to good effect, ably led by a professional officer who was to go on to bigger things, such as the fire destruction of Smyrna – namely, Kemal Ataturk.

But, pause for one moment to consider a slightly different scenario. Let us suspend historical reality for the purposes of this exercise. What if, say, instead of Gallipoli, the Anzac forces were going into combat with an SS Battalion somewhere in Poland during the Second World War? Would we then, decades later, be joining up with our comrades in battle to celebrate what both sides had gone through, our enmities forgotten? Can one commemorate the shared experiences with enemy forces who acted as the military arm of a state carrying out a terrible genocide at the same time?

For it was the night before the landing at Gallipoli on 25 April 1915 in the capital of the Ottoman Empire, then called Constantinople, when occurred the arrest, detention and subsequent liquidation of 625 intellectuals, priests and leading figures of the Armenian Empire.

This event is widely held to signal the onset of the first major genocide of the twentieth century, the most blood-drenched period in human history.

What followed was a mass murder of an entirely innocent group of citizens in the Ottoman Empire by means that are still horrifying to contemplate. By the time Turkey sued for peace in 1918, up to 1.5 million Armenians had been slaughtered, decimating the population of a group of people who had lived in the Fertile Crescent since the dawn of human settlement.

And it did not stop there. The Assyrian people suffered at least 75,000 victims, three-quarters of their population; the numbers have not been made up to this day. Later the Greeks in Asia Minor, in some of the bloodiest scenes of city sacking since the fall of Nineveh and Tyre, were driven out of ancient homelands, never to return. And, largely lost in the high tide of bloodletting at the time, there were pogroms of Jewish settlements in Anatolia.

We have made our peace with the genocidal German and Japanese foes of the Second World War (there is no way the unrestrained butchery of the inhabitants of Manchuria, to say nothing of the Rape of Nanking, would not constitute a genocide). They have (at least partially, in the case of the Japanese) acknowledged their roles as aggressors and in the genocide (at least in the German case; the Austrians are still hoping their role will be forgotten). But we still would not ask the SS battalions to join us on Anzac Day parades.

This is right and the way it should be.

Yet these qualms do not trouble us in fostering our war links with the Turkish people – still led by the political descendants of the Ittihadist Party that planned, organised and carried out the Anatolian genocides.

Part of the reason for this is wilful ignorance. The Turkish government vigorously enforces an official policy of denial, maintaining it as the duty of their diplomatic staff abroad to engage in a well-funded campaign of disinformation and protest should anyone publically state anything to the contrary.

Genocide denied is an extension of the genocide perpetuated and an ongoing crime against human rights.

Turkish nationalism, which runs coeval with its policy of genocide denial, remains the last outpost of unreconstructed pre-Second World War racial nationalism.

Johnny Turk, by all accounts, was a brave fighter when well led and supported (which was often not the case), but can we separate the soldiers from their officers, leaders, politicians and bureaucrats who at the same time were engaged in exterminating an entire group of people – especially when that same state, a century later, continues to defile the memory of these victims by refusing to admit that the slaughter even occurred?

So when we celebrate the Anzac spirit, let us remember that they were fighting for freedom, pure and simple, and a nation that insists on covering up, if not extinguishing history, to escape its culpability for genocide is not a nation with whom we can associate as equals. And nor should we until they desist from their deceitful denial of the awful truth of what their forces did to several million innocent and unprotected peoples under their sway after that day in April 1915.

Let the Anzac ceremonies proceed with Johnny Turk – but be sure to let them know what we know, will not forget and will not deny until they face up to their culpability and can then re-join the ranks of enemies of honour, if not the nations of the world.

Filed Under: Genocide, News Tagged With: anzac, armenian genocide, gallipoli

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