Gagrule.net

Gagrule.net News, Views, Interviews worldwide

  • Home
  • About
  • Contact
  • GagruleLive
  • Armenia profile

‘We expect US federal authorities’ position on recognition of Armenian Genocide’ – Artak Zakaryan

April 5, 2015 By administrator

f552122c9728e4_552122c97291b.thumbIn an interview with Tert.am, Chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, Parliament of Armenia, Artak Zakaryan particularly spoke of last week’s events involving the recognition of the Armenian Genocide.

The House of Representatives of Georgia, USA, declared April 24 Remembrance Day for Armenian Genocide victims. Moreover, Hawaii’s State Senate last week unanimously passed a resolution recognizing the Armenian Genocide and declaring April 24 as a day of remembrance and commemoration of the Armenian Genocide. Does it mean that the USA may officially recognize the Armenian Genocide?

“We appreciate the attitude each US state showed to the Armenian Genocide. All of them have made essential contribution to the struggle against crimes against humanity. We continue expecting the US federal authorities’ official position on the recognition and condemnation of the Armenian Genocide. It would be the American people’s unanimous say for panhuman values and restoration of justice. It would be great moral support to the Armenian people, as well as a solid legal basis for struggling against denial of genocides to prevent further genocides.

“We expect the United States to recognize the fact of the Armenian Genocide in Ottoman Turkey in 1915-1923, in the foreseeable future – just as more than twenty states have done. Fifteen US Senators, both Republicans and Democrats, addressed a letter to US President Barack Obama, calling on him to recognize the Armenian Genocide and pay respects to victims.

“We are well aware of the role of US-Turkey relations, just as many states consider their relations with Turkey important. However, there are values that must not be in conflict with interests. Otherwise, new Talaats, Kemals, Hitlers will be born and the human history will once again feel the shame of genocide.”

Filed Under: Articles, Genocide, Interviews Tagged With: on armenian-genocide, position, US

Armenia President slams Turkey over genocide centennial absence (Video)

March 21, 2015 By administrator

By Marc PERELMAN

President-of-Armenia

Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan

In an interview with FRANCE 24, Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan said Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s decision to change this year’s Gallipoli commemoration to coincide with Armenia’s marking of the 100th anniversary of the genocide was a “cynical act”.

On April 24, Armenia is set to commemorate the centennial of the Armenian genocide, which saw the deportation and deaths of up to 1.5 million Armenians during World War I.

“Our intention was to commemorate the centennial together with the Turkish people,” explained Sargsyan, noting that it was the reason his government invited the Turkish leader to attend the commemorations.

Instead, Erdogan chose the same day to invite his Armenian counterpart to the centennial of the Gallipoli campaign, which marked a major World War I victory for the Ottoman forces against Allied troops, mostly from Australian and New Zealand. The date of their landing — known as “Anzac Day” — is marked on April 25 every year.

Turkey has long denied the mass deportation and killings of Armenian subjects of the Ottoman empire constituted genocide, claiming instead that they were the consequences of inter-ethnic violence inflamed during wartime.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=V90rsdI5fM0

Erdogan’s decision to change the date of the Gallipoli ceremonies to coincide with the Armenian centennial commemoration has drawn a sharp rebuke from Sargsyan.

“Unfortunately, once again we find ourselves facing a negationist approach and I’m sorry to use this expression, but it is a particularly cynical act. The Battle of Gallipoli did not start of April 24 [1915], nor did it end on April 24, it’s self-evident. This is a way of injuring, of wounding the Armenian people and at the same time, it is intended to set obstacles on the path to centennial commemorations [of the Armenian genocide],” said Sargsyan.

The April 24 ceremonies will be attended by a number of world leaders, including French President François Hollande and Russian President Vladimir Putin.

Enter your email address Subrcribe Free, and Get up-to-date news views Videos,:

Delivered by FeedBurner

Filed Under: Articles, Genocide, Interviews Tagged With: Armenian, avsence, Genocide, Turkey

Libanon: Armenian Protesters Trap Turkish Ambassador in Beirut Theater

March 18, 2015 By administrator

Turkey’s Ambassador to Lebanon, Suleiman Inan Oz Yildiz, inside. (Photo: AYF Lebanon)

Turkey’s Ambassador to Lebanon, Suleiman Inan Oz Yildiz, inside. (Photo: AYF Lebanon)

BEIRUT, Lebanon (A.W.)—Turkey’s Ambassador to Lebanon, Suleiman Inan Oz Yildiz, was temporarily trapped today inside a Beirut movie theater, as Armenian demonstrators held a protest outside, reported the Lebanese Daily Star newspaper.

Approximately 60 members of the Armenian Youth Federation of Lebanon and the Zavarian Student Association held a demonstration at the entrance of ABC Grand Cinema in Ashrafieh, where Yildiz was attending a screening of “Son Mektup.” The film, a Turkish love story, is set during the Battle of Gallipoli, and tells the story of the Ottoman Empire’s first pilot, Salih Ekrem.

According to the report, protestors yelled out slogans such as “Genocide,” “Truth will triumph” and “We remember,” and held banners reading “Recognize the crime of the century.” Security forces were brought in to block the entrance of the theater to prevent patrons from clashing with protesters.

The protest was organized as a result of Turkey’s efforts to sway public attention away from the anniversary of the Armenian Genocide by focusing on the Battle of Gallipoli.

Earlier this year, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan sent official invitations to more than 100 world leaders, including Armenian President Serge Sarkisian, to take part in the ceremonies. The date designated for these commemoration events—April 24—created uproar among Armenians worldwide, while Turkish human rights groups urged world leaders to boycott the Gallipoli events.

On Jan. 16, Sarkisian responded to Erdogan’s invitation to Turkey in a strongly worded letter. “Turkey continues its conventional denial policy and is perfecting its instrumentation for distorting history. This time, Turkey is marking the 100th anniversary of the Battle of Gallipoli on April 24, even though the battle began on March 18, 1915 and lasted until late January 1916, while the Allies’ operation started on April 25,” he wrote, adding, “What is the purpose [of this] if not to distract the world’s attention from the 100th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide?”

Enter your email address Subrcribe Free, and Get up-to-date news views Videos,:

Delivered by FeedBurner

Filed Under: Articles, Interviews Tagged With: Ambassador, Armenian, demonstrators, Lebanon, Turkish

Q&A with author who’ll speak at SMU on Armenian genocide

March 14, 2015 By administrator

By DIANNE SOLÍS
Peter Balakian, author of Black Dog of Fate, learned that his grandmother’s family was slain in one day in 1915.  File/The New York Times

Peter Balakian, author of Black Dog of Fate, learned that his grandmother’s family was slain in one day in 1915. File/The New York Times

When Peter Balakian was a small boy, his grandmother filled him with stories seeped in magical realism, with mysterious yet baffling lines.

“A long time ago there was and there wasn’t,” she’d say.

Perhaps his tender grandmother was just nurturing a fellow poet and soon-to-be historian of one of the great epic traumas opening the 20th century. She was a survivor of the Armenian genocide 100 years ago in April 1915.

Her grandson would eventually become her scribe, portraying her in his award-winning memoir, Black Dog of Fate.

Balakian, now a Colgate University professor, has made the genocide a key part of his life’s work as an award-winning writer, poet and genocide expert. He will talk about his work at Southern Methodist University’s Dallas Hall at 6:30 p.m. Thursday at an event sponsored by St. Sarkis Church of Carrollton and SMU’s Embrey Human Rights Program.

He recently discussed his writing and more with The Dallas Morning News.

Tell us about your grandmother, Nafina Aroosian, and her role in shaping you as a writer and how you unraveled her story.

My grandmother had a penchant for telling folk tales in dreams. … They were wild tales that were almost magical realism tales. … The richness of her imagination was very important to my own imagination. … It turned out to be very important to me as a writer and a thinker of history, and the particular history of the Armenian genocide and how it came down to me.

Only recently, we have dug up out of the family papers, some of her writing. She was writing poems. … They are private poems and they are poems in which she is trying to deal with the losses of her life. Everyone in her family was murdered in the first week of April 1915, except for one half-brother, who was living in New Jersey at the time.

Tell us about Raphael Lemkin, the Holocaust survivor from Poland. Why is he important?

It was Lemkin who became the father of the U.N. genocide convention of 1948. That is the charter legal document that outlawed genocide as a crime. It was Lemkin who coined the phrase “Armenian genocide” in the 1940s. … As a graduate student he challenged his professor, “How can it be if one man kills another he is charged with murder, but if a nation-state kills more than a million people they are allowed to do it without any consequences?” and this moment ended up changing his career path.

Among Lemkin’s many layers of his understanding of genocide as a crime is the concept that the destruction of culture is also a vitally important aspect of the genocidal episode. At the core of group identity is also culture and the cultural institutions that codify group identity.

How many died and what did that represent as a percentage of the Armenian population?

The official number of dead in the Holocaust, according to the U.S. Holocaust Museum is 5.1 million. In the Armenian case, Lemkin put the death toll at 1.2 million. The epicenter of killing was in 1915 and 1916. About two-thirds of the Armenian population perished.

Do you see links between the massacre of the Armenian Christians a century ago and the ISIS massacre in Syria?

I hesitate to make any easy analogies. … The context in the Ottoman Empire in 1915 is not the same for the explosions going on in the Middle East right now.

But the role of religious ideology in the Turkish Armenian case was less important for the ruling political elite. … They were like the Nazis and didn’t care about religion. They did know how to manipulate the power of religion to motivate other segments of their population to do killing.

The ISIS people are extreme fundamentalists who are now militarized. That is a long way from the practice of 99 percent of Muslims. The last two genocides on record were committed by Christians: the Serbs in Srebrenica in 1994, and the Hutus, who are primarily Catholic and Christian, against the Tutsis in 1994 in Rwanda. … Any religious value system is capable of being mobilized by extreme regimes who are hell bent on mass killings.

With so many spasms of violence now, is the world growing desensitized?

It can be desensitizing, overwhelming, numbing, but it has also initiated more human rights activism, more human rights culture, more human rights priorities even in the seats of the State Department and government in our own country than ever before.

You have a new book coming out, Vise and Shadow, and your lyric prose is in full bloom. Do you use poetry to sweeten the ingestion of atrocity?

The poem is a very real confrontation with the harshness of these histories and their legacies. Some of my poems deal with traumatic memory and inherited traumatic memory and they are interested in reclaiming the more psychological issues of historical violence as they are transmitted across generations. I don’t think of my poems as very sweet, in any way, but I think of them as rich complex language that can engage readers in the complexity of history in ways that no other forms of writing can.

Filed Under: Articles, Genocide, Interviews Tagged With: armenian genocide, grandmother, Peter-Balakian

Turkish-German Lawmaker Calls on Turkey to ‘Face History’

March 13, 2015 By administrator

German Green Party leader Cem Ozdemir

German Green Party leader Cem Ozdemir

YEREVAN (Armenpress)—At the initiative of Green Party of Germany, a discussion is set to be held in dedication to the 100th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide in Germany’s lower house of parliament, the Bundestag. The results of the discussion will help draft a resolution regarding the Genocide. In preparations for the parliamentary discussion, Green Party co-chairman Cem Ozdemir, an ethnically Turkish German, is visiting Armenia. Armenpress reporters Syune Barseghyan and Araks Kasyan interviewed Ozdemir concerning the international recognition of the Armenian Genocide. The interview is below.

* * *

ARMENPRESS: Mr. Ozdemir, within the framework of the visit, you have been in the Memorial of Armenian Genocide and paid a tribute to the victims of Armenian Genocide. What were your impressions when you returned from the Memorial of Armenian Genocide?

CEM OZDEMIR: There are so many sources that prove that we, the Germans, unfortunately have been involved in the Genocide as an ally of Ottoman Empire in that time. I think that Germany should obviously refer to the Armenian Genocide issue. As a friend of two countries, we should help to open the Armenian-Turkish border. As a friend of both countries, we should exert effort, so that the Armenian-Turkish relations become like the French-German or Polish-German relations. Surely, one of the preconditions to achieve it is that the each country must face the dark pages of its history, and this is also true for Turkey.

A.P.: As a German politician, who has Turkish roots, in your opinion, what steps should be taken by the government of Turkey in order to assume the full responsibility for the implementation of the Armenian Genocide?

C.O.: In our delegation, besides me there is another MP, who has Turkish roots too. Our visit shows that the Turks who live in Germany, enjoying the freedom of Germany, they see that Germany has chosen different way to deal with its history. It was not an easy process, but Germany hasn’t weakened from that. On the contrary, Germany’s strength is that it was able to resolve its dark pages of history. Noting all this, I would like that Turkey recognizes and admits, that as a result of the Armenian Genocide it has lost a lot of things.

When I was in Armenian Genocide Museum-Institute, I was impressed by seeing the photos of intellectuals, who had been brought to the camps and killed there. Those people in that time was the intellectuals of Istanbul. Komitas was not only a composer and musician for Armenia, but also for the Ottoman Empire. Therefore, it was the loss of the Ottoman Empire. Therefore, it was also the loss of the Ottoman Empire. As Hrant Dink had said: “If Armenian were still alive, twenty cities of Van would become Paris.” I think that this issue must be discussed in the books and in Turkish social public sphere and I am sure that it will be useful. Opening border with Armenia is another step forward. The opening borders stems from interests of two countries.

We have also discussed this issue with President Serzh Sargasyan. Unfortunately, there are so many missed opportunities. It stems also from interests of Turkey, due to the opened borders, the intervention of third countries will be weakened. If Turkey does not want to see Russian soldiers on the border, the opening border is one of the steps to achieve success and establish normal relations with Armenia. I hope that one day, if the border is opened, it will be called “Hrant Dink border”.

A.P.: I know that your party in the Bundestag raised the issue regarding the launch of commemoration ceremonies of Armenian Genocide. What events are planned in the German Parliament devoted to 100th anniversary of Armenian Genocide?

C.O.: On April 24, in Bundestag, we will have a debate on the Armenian Genocide, with participation of all parliamentary factions. I will speak on behalf of the Green Party, after which all the results will be transferred to the Foreign Relations Committee, and then a unified resolution will be drafted. Therefore German Bundestag, besides government, has an important message. This document will be a continuation of the resolution, which is adopted on 2005. We will talk frankly about the events, which took place in the end of 1915 and we will call “Genocide”, as international community calls.

A.P.: What is your attitude regarding that Turkish government has decided to mark the anniversary of Battle of Gallipoli on April 24.

C.O.: I think that it was another missed opportunity. If Turkey opens the border with Armenia, It would be a great step for it. I remember from my childhood years that the triumph of the battle of Canakkale has never celebrated on April 24. So, why is it unexpectedly celebrated on that day this year? This is very strange and causes inappropriate ambiguities.

There are some issues that need to highlight. The example of Torossian shows that the Armenians have fought on the Ottoman Empire’s side, which shows that the claims are true and perpetrators of Genocide needed to be persuaded that Armenians do not betray the Ottoman Empire. The Armenians in the Ottoman Empire were good citizens, and some of them have served in the army of the Ottoman Empire and sacrificed their lives for the Ottoman Empire. I would like to see, that about those events the Turkish students knew from Turkish books.

A.P.: Summing up, what is your call taking into account the solution of problems in the 21st century?

C.O.: I think that the twenty-first century should not be a century of closed borders, a century of the solving problems by military way. One of the greatest achievements of the European Union is that we are negotiating. Those negotiations last on nights, but eventually we find common points. It is not always easy, but we find solutions. This is much better than war, which during last century led to the I and II world war. Today’s France and Germany have overcome it all, and I want to see the same here. I’m sure, that it is only the matter of time.

Filed Under: Genocide, Interviews, News Tagged With: Face-History’, lawmaker, Turkey, Turkish-German

Tom de Waal: Use of “g-word” by Obama will not have legal effects

March 10, 2015 By administrator

By Anna Ghazaryan

Armenian News-NEWS.am presents an  interview with a senior associate in the Russia and Eurasia Program at the Carnegie Endowment, journalist and writer Thomas de Waal.

Tom de Waal

Tom de Waal

You have recently presented your new book “Great Catastrophe: Armenians and Turks in the Shadow of Genocide”. In one of your interviews you said you always try fill “gap in the literature” on the matter you are interested in. You have interviewed many people and studied many archives. What new things did you discover in Armenia-Turkey relations?

I learned a lot of new things researching and writing this book and I believe most readers will as well. Of course, I should say first of all I am not the first researcher to cover these topics. Tatul Hakobyan did a brilliant job in his recent book “Armenians and Turks.” And I can mention some writers in the United States as well.

But let me mention two things. One is the secret meeting in Zurich in 1977 between the Turkish foreign minister Sabri Caglayangil and the leaders of the three Armenian political parties. This had been written about in some Armenian memoirs but for the first time I got a Turkish source on the meeting in the form of the aide to the minister, Oktay Aksoy, who is still alive and living in Ankara and who told me how the meeting was set up in New York. I see the 1977 meeting as a story of “missed opportunities.” Senior Armenians and Turks managed to meet and talk but failed to establish a proper mechanism or continue the dialogue.

Another issue that I think is very important and deserves greater attention is that of the so-called “Islamized Armenians” of Turkey. There are many thousands of people alive in Turkey who carry Muslim names and who grew up as Turks or Kurds but are conscious of having an Armenian identity through parents or grandparents who were left behind in 1915 and absorbed into Muslim families. I met several of these people in Diyarbakir while working on the book.

They know that they are Armenian and are now able to talk about it, but they barely know the language and culture. There are many many of these people in Turkey with a sort of hybrid identity. How can they be described? What can be done for them? This is a big challenge which has yet to be confronted.

Do you think there is anything that can really make Turkey change attitude towards the Armenian Genocide? Will it be possible under the pressure from western countries?

I believe Turkey has already changed a lot and many Armenians have not noticed this. The change has had very little to do with outside pressure, apart from the effects of European Union approximation in the early 2000s. It has more to do with what you might call a “maturation” of Turkish society in which the Ottoman-era multi-cultural identity is being remembered. The Kurds have played the leading role in pushing this process forward. Turkey is now beginning to remember its history and the illusion that history began in 1923 has been shattered. The condolences statement to Armenians by Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who was prime minister at the time, last April, is a symptom of this approach, as is the re-opening of Armenian churches and the fact that books are now published in Turkey using the term “Armenian genocide.” Of course this is too slow for most Armenians. And I very much doubt the Turkish government will use the word “genocide.”  But it is now possible to have a dialogue within Turkey and to engage Turkish society with debate.

Every year Armenians attentively follow U.S. President’s speech hoping to hear a “g-word”. What do you think will happen if Obama says “genocide”? Will it in fact lead to some changes in U.S. policy or it will be just a word?

I understand that Armenian Americans want their president to use the word “genocide” — and of course a United States president, Ronald Reagan, has done so before. But an American president is under pressure from competing political demands. If you read Barack Obama’s April 24 statements carefully, they are a full and thoughtful engagement with the issue of what happened to the Armenians, which does not happen to use the “g-word.” I question whether this is such a big issue really and I humbly suggest that it is not an entirely healthy situation when Armenians are waiting for a verdict of the president of the United States in order to tell them something they already know.  Armenians know better than anyone else what happened in 1915 and 1916 — what happened to their grandparents and great-grandparents. They also know from bitter experience that the “Great Powers” have used the Armenian question in ways that have not always helped Armenians. Isn’t it more important to have the statements of intellectuals and historians than that of politicians?

I do not believe that the use or non-use of the word will have any legal effect, as the 1948 United Nations convention was a forward-looking convention on the prevention of future genocides, not a mechanism for dealing with past ones. But of course the use of the word would have political effects in Turkey.

Turkey will mark 100th anniversary of the Battle of Gallipoli on April 24, the day when Armenians mark Armenian Genocide Centenary. How do you assess the move? What are they expecting to get by setting this day: they wanted to diver attention from Yerevan events or to demonstrate that they are not afraid of western pressure ? Will this move bring advantages to Turkey?

I think it is very unfortunate that the Gallipoli ceremony will be held on April 24. Inevitably, foreign dignitaries will be forced to choose between going to Turkey or to Armenia. It would have been possible to hold the ceremony on another day and not to have a “historical competition” on that day. It was a sign of insensitivity by the Turkish authorities.  There were reports by the Today Zaman newspaper recently that the Gallipoli ceremony was being called off. This was denied but I think it confirms that the Turkish authorities are having difficulties getting enough guests to come and shows that holding the ceremony on that date was a political mistake.

Filed Under: Articles, Genocide, Interviews Tagged With: armenian genocide, Obama, Tom-de-waal, Turkey

Aram Hamparian: Armenian nation is on a march to justice

March 7, 2015 By administrator

By Anna Ghazaryan

Aram Hamparian, ANC

Aram Hamparian, ANC

Armenian News-NEWS.am presents an interview with Executive Director of the Armenian National Congress of America Aram Hamparian.

What events is ANCA planning to hold in U.S. in connection with the centennial of the Armenian Genocide?

The ANCA is a national organization – with offices, board, chapters, and activists at the national, state and local levels – so we will be organizing and supporting a broad range of both commemorative and advocacy events across the United States.

Among these, of course, will be the Capitol Hill observance for Members of Congress on April 22nd, and the May 7th program at the National Cathedral featuring our Church leaders, President Sargsyan, and our community leadership. There will be major marches in Los Angeles and New York, and protests, vigils, conference, advocacy trips and other programs in nearly every U.S state. In addition to these civic efforts, we are seeing a blossoming of art, music, film, literature and other cultural expressions of the Armenian experience and our national aspirations. At the top of this list, of course, is System of a Down’s Wake Up the Souls international tour.

Do you think we have to expect changes in U.S. policy on the Armenian Genocide issue? What can happen that would lead U.S. to change its stance on the matter?

The greatest ally of the truth is light. The Armenian Cause flourishes in the sunshine of public scrutiny. This is because we are advancing a moral cause. At the same time, we have seen that the worst betrayals of our cause have been committed in the shadows.

The Centennial is, of course, drawing a great measure of attention to Turkey’s denial of truth and obstruction of justice for the Armenian Genocide. This has had the positive effect of moving policymakers to do the right thing. Whether this public attention and our re-doubled efforts are enough to break Turkey’s gag-rule on America remains to be seen.

Turkey decided to hold the Battle of Gallipoli 100th anniversary events on April 24. What moves are Armenians of America making to neutralize Turkey’s propaganda?

The good news is that this transparent ploy didn’t fool anyone. It was broadly rejected as a cheap trick, even by commentators in Turkey. Nonetheless, we continue to educate U.S. officials about this shameful stunt and to discourage American officials from attending.

April 24, 2015 has a huge importance for all Armenians and the Armenians of U.S. What are your next moves? What ANCA is going to do after April 24?

The Armenian nation is today on a march to justice. We have, in the century since our near annihilation, risen up and rebuilt. We are today, having developed a powerful diaspora, saved Artsakh, and re-established our independence, starting this second century by demanding and what is rightfully ours – not simply to honor our past but to serve our future. Step by step, we are working to realize our dreams.

Turkey’s denial of the Armenian Genocide represents a security threat to Armenia and all Armenians. Justice for this crime remains an essential key to Armenia’s survival and long-term viability. It is that context that we are working for a truthful and just international resolution of this crime, alongside our defense of Artsakh, strengthening of Armenia, support for Javakhk, and other pro-Armenian initiatives. Justice for the Armenian Genocide is a core aim of the ANCA, a central element of our enduring struggle for Armenia’s place at the table of nations – a struggle that began long before 1915 and that will continue long after 2015.

Filed Under: Articles, Genocide, Interviews Tagged With: armenian genocide, Armenian-nation

France: Interview with Valerie Boyer: We will not yield to Turks’ threats

March 4, 2015 By administrator

By Anna Ghazaryan

National Assembly of France Valerie Boyer.

National Assembly of France Valerie Boyer.

Armenian News-NEWS.am presents an exclusive interview with member of the National Assembly of France Valerie Boyer.

Madame Boyer, will you visit Armenia on April 24 to attend the events on the occasion of the centennial of the Armenian Genocide?

I have visited Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh several times on the occasion of April 24 events. This year, despite the requests to attend events in Yerevan, I decided to stay in Marseille. Senator of Marseille Jean Claude Gaudin devoted 2015 to Armenia. In this context the city will host numerous cultural events referring to Armenia and Armenians. On April 24 the municipality of Marseille and the municipalities of all districts will turn into the colors of Armenia. So, I chose to stay with the French of Armenian descent to show them my support and commitment.

Besides, together with Blue Cross of the Armenia’s of France (ARS France), I organized tree planting. 100 trees will be planted near the April 24 monument, not to mention conferences and exhibitions . We will honor the Armenian culture and our duty.

France has recognized the Armenian Genocide. What should be the next step?

I think that acknowledgment is the first step, but today I expect France to criminalize denial of the Armenian Genocide after adoption of my bill by the National Assembly and the Senate in 2012 which was a step forward in terms of a law on criminalization.  The genocide of 1915 is the second genocide that was recognized by France after Holocaust. The text was adopted in 2001 and was confirmed without raising the question of constitutionality, but did not envisage punishment for denial.

The 2001 law must be supplemented by acknowledgment of the punishment mechanisms. I worked on a new bill that is no longer referring to free expression. This will be an important move forward and will ban tarnishing the memories of thousands of men, women and children who died just because their only crime was being Armenian Christians.

Last year you introduced a bill banning denial of the genocides and crimes against humanity that were committed in the twentieth century. The law has not been adopted yet. Do you think the French parliament will pass the bill this year – on the centennial of the Armenian Genocide?

Back in 2011 I introduced a bill, based on the right of the community to fight against racism and denial of genocides  that were recognized by the French law, including the Armenian Genocide. The bill was passed by all groups of the National Assembly and the Senate on January 23, 2012. Unfortunately, the Constitutional Council overturned it on the grounds that the denial is part of freedom of expression, thus putting an end to this attempt to criminalize denial.

Nevertheless, the possibility of criminalizing denial of all genocides and crimes against humanity echoes the topical problem in the context of persecutions similar to genocides, those targeted at Christians of the Middle East, Yezidis, in particular in Iraq. They were described by Ban Ki-moon as a crime against humanity.

There is obvious need to pass the law in order to offer new characteristics to denial. Therefore, I am working hard to work out an alternative and new version that was a fruit of my work with the leading lawyers, experts on criminal law – Bernard Jouanneau and Sevag Torossian. This is why I suggest that the denial was no longer considered a simple abuse of the freedom of expression, but a crime against humanity.

This offers two advantages: to get out of the legal impasse created by the Constitutional Council in connection with the freedom of expression, and to protect the memory of the victims of all genocides recognized by our legislation.

So, I offer my fellow MPs to sign the legislative mechanism, an apolitical bill that is pursuing the public interest, which is free from party considerations. This text aims to be universal, because it protects all the genocides recognized by French law, and expresses its respect for human rights. This project relates to human dignity. Since October 2014, the law has been available on the website of the National Assembly, and I hope that it will be reviewed in the near future, as this is not only close to my heart, but is especially important for our commitment and our rights.

Hearing into Perincek vs. Switzerland case has been recently held in the European Court of Human Rights. Perincek accused Switzerland of violating his right for freedom of expression. Where do you think is the limit when the priority is not to allow repetition of awful crimes of the past at the same time not violating freedom of speech?

This is not about permitting or banning everything. Freedom of expression, as well as its limitations, must be protected. The law also establishes a framework. Freedom cannot exist without the rule of law, and the government should take responsibility, if necessary, allowing the popular representation to establish the scope and limits of freedom of expression. This freedom is relative, not absolute, and should respect the beliefs and memory of the victims.

The problem is that now the choice of a suitable expression is based on the impact of the media. Alas, in this demagogic approach, the judge is not completely innocent. Thus, the judges in Strasbourg concluded that the denial of the Armenian Genocide had no consequences, and this means that you can allow hurting the victims and their descendants. Again, neither the government, nor even Francois Hollande, who committed himself to introducing punishment for challenging this genocide, did nothing. Not a word!

The question is: who makes the decision regarding the public expression of opinion or what is acceptable to say and what is not? Does a politician have a direct interest? The current government is a consumer of communications not having any problems with showing its inconsistency, until  tweets reach an alarm threshold or the reaction of the population will not limit them.

This is an expectant management, which sorely lacks personality and beliefs, but reflects the state of confusion, where modern France has plunged.

What do you think about Turkish authorities’ initiative to mark the 100th anniversary of Gallipoli events on April 24?

I think I should not express my opinion on Turkish government’s decision to mark or not to mark anything. I do not approve interference. Nevertheless, one must be blind not to see that the state lie hundred years after the events impels the government to continue denial of the crimes up to coming up with a memorial event to disguise the centennial ceremonies. As far as I know, the date of the battle is April 25.

This is a pathetic initiative. However, instead of commenting on what is happening in Turkey, let’s find a voice in France to fulfill our duty to ensure continuation of the 2001 law in order to criminalize denial. Help me so that the bill presented in April 2014 could be considered and adopted by the National Assembly and the Senate in 2015.

We will not yield to threats by the Turks or to any delays because of political and legal reasons in France.

Filed Under: Articles, Genocide, Interviews Tagged With: armenian genocide, France, Interview, valerie-boyer

‘Greek ‘revolution’ woke up Europeans, spreads like wildfire’

February 17, 2015 By administrator

Greek-firePublic support for Greece across Europe is predictable as other countries are suffering just as much, Leonidas Chrysanthopoulos, a former Greek ambassador, told RT. It’s a message to EU leaders who have been distant from people they are supposed to serve.

RT: Are you surprised by the show of public support for Greece in many parts of Europe?

Leonidas Chrysanthopoulos: No, it was expected actually, because the other countries are suffering just as bad as we are particularly Portugal and Spain. So once we started this, let’s put it ‘revolution,’ and we are waking up the European people, it caught like wildfire. So this is a good solid support of the European people and I hope that this message is getting across to the leaders of the EU who have been far away from the people who they are supposed to serve all these years.

RT: Do you see a growing disconnect between Brussels-led austerity policies, and public opinion in EU nations?

LC:…It is their interest that is at stake, because if they continue this intransigence and this hard-line, then Greece can also play hard-line and we would just refuse to cooperate. And this of course might lead to a possible departure of Greece from the eurozone with all the negative consequences that it will have for Europe more than it would have for Greece. For Greece it will have in the long-term beneficial results.

RT: Are you optimistic that a compromise can be reached at Monday’s meeting?

LC: I don’t think there are many chances for a compromise. What I presume might come out of the meeting is a sort of a text that nobody understands that will satisfy the EU, but might have no practical results because the Greek government is no way going back on what it promised to the Greek people. And I read in today’s newspapers for example that most of the measures that have been taken by the previous regime are now being changed. For example, a draft law is going to [be passed] in the Parliament next week for the 13th [month-Ed.] salary for the pensioners. Also there is going to be 12,000 euro [annual salary- Ed.]for tax that will be included as a tax limit. And also the extreme tax that was put on property is going to be abolished also.

RT: If Greece does not receive the bridge loan it is asking for – what are the alternatives for the government?

LC: Essentially what will happen…is there will be a denunciation on the basis of international law of the loan agreement. And if you denounce the loan agreement, not unilaterally, on the basis of international law, [the Vienna Convention on the law of treaties], which in the articles 48 to 51 4: 50 anticipated cases where international agreement is null and void. You do that, you keep the €26 billion that they are asking and if you continue your recovery that way plus you nationalize the Bank of Greece then also you have funds. So this will get us through the year, this is one way of financing ourselves during that interim period if it goes as bad as that.

Political not financial consequences scare EU

Pro-government protesters in Athens’ Syntagma Square ahead of the eurozone finance ministers’ meeting in Brussels demanded that no more concessions are made, noted Aris Chatzistefanou, a journalist and filmmaker.

“The same message that PM Mr. Tsipras had Friday night when there was an emergency Cabinet meeting with many left-wing ministers saying that we have already made enough concessions in these negotiations and we should keep to our positions otherwise it will be seen as a total betrayal of what we said to the electorate before the election. When they talk about concessions, it’s mainly three things: that they don’t talk any more about cancelling the debt which was one of the promises that this party made to the electorate. The second is they have agreed to accept 70 percent of the memorandum that is the austerity package imposed in Greece by the IMF and ECB and the European Commission. And the third is that we should have a primary surplus. That practically means a kind of continuation of austerity…”

“…This year only we have to repay something around €22 billion and almost €6-7 billion of this amount is the interest that we have to repay. So by making at least a memorandum in repaying the debt there is enough money to keep the economy staying alive for a few more months until the solution is found.Don’t forget that the same policy was applied even in Russia, in Argentina, Iceland, Ecuador and there was always a positive outcome for the economy. On the other hand, don’t forget that apart from the Western financial centers that are threatening Greece with stopping the liquidity of the banking sector there are some other financial centers that can be trusted,” Chatzistefanou said.

The main concern for Berlin now, he observed, is the political consequences of the Greek bailout talks in Brussels.

“There might be a domino effect if people in other European countries realize that this austerity imposed by Brussels and Berlin is not the only way out of the crisis… I think this is a big problem for Berlin at the moment. They are not afraid of the financial consequences. Don’t forget that Greece is a very small economy, 2 percent of the eurozone. They are afraid of the political consequences,” Chatzistefanou told RT.

Filed Under: Articles, Interviews Tagged With: EU, Greek, revolution, spreads, wildfire

Forgotten life and work of Zabel Yessayan slowly coming to light

February 14, 2015 By administrator

By William Armstrong – william.armstrong@hdn.com.tr

Zabel Yessayan

Zabel Yessayan

The pioneering work of Zabel Yessayan, an Armenian author born in Ottoman Istanbul in 1878, was almost entirely forgotten after her death in the Soviet Union in the 1940s. Even in Armenia itself Yessayan remains little known today, though new translations of her work have recently been appearing in English.

Her memoir of growing up in late 19th century Istanbul, “The Gardens of Silihdar” is reviewed here, and the Hürriyet Daily News spoke to translator Jennifer Manoukian about Yessayan’s mysterious life and exceptional work.

Let’s start by giving a broad idea about the background and context in which she emerged, this broader ferment of changes in the Ottoman Armenian community in the 19th century. What were the drivers of this process?

It was a very exciting time for all nations in the Ottoman Empire. In the Armenian community the change was driven mostly by reformers – students who would become doctors, writers, lawyers – who went to study in Europe at the beginning of the Tanzimat period, in the 1840s and 1850s, and who returned to implement the trends they saw in Europe. So we see a big push for improving the education system, creating a periodical press, publishing books and reforming the language. Before this period, there hadn’t been much of a secular literary culture. The literate class was dominated mostly by the clergy, so there were few novels and newspapers being printed.

The reformers sought to transform society by making education and writing much more accessible. With this, the themes in literature expanded. The novel and the short story were adopted as literary forms, which reinforced the new vernacular literary language, different from the one used in the Church. It was a period of tremendous change, and the growing pains could still be felt as Yessayan was growing up in the 1880s and 1890s.

Yessayan herself was heavily involved in educational issues early on, from what I gather.

Definitely. She benefitted from an excellent education, which has a lot to do with her father who wasn’t part of this reform movement but who had adopted its ideals. He was committed to making sure his two daughters got the best possible education and he tutored them individually at home. He was the one who introduced them to the social issues that would shape Zabel’s consciousness—those that she would address later on in her writing.

So she had an informal education with him, then she went to the local Armenian school in Üsküdar, and eventually left for France, where she was one of the first Armenian and Ottoman women to go to Europe to study.

What was she doing in Paris? How old was she? How long does she spend there?

The memoir ends when she was 17. She was planning to write two more volumes of it, but she was arrested shortly after it was published and we don’t have the later manuscripts, which may explain why it cuts off so abruptly.

She left for Paris when she was 17, in 1895. In 1895, Armenian intellectuals feared that they would no longer be able to write and express themselves with as much freedom as they had before, because of Sultan Abdülhamid’s surveillance and censorship policies. Even though she was so young, she was involved in these intellectual circles, listening to these writers and activists, attending the same literary salons.

Her father became concerned that his daughter would also fall victim of Abdülhamid’s policies, so he sent her to Paris to study at the Sorbonne, where she would be protected from the political turmoil in the Ottoman Empire and would also have a chance to hone her craft and be exposed to new ideas. She already spoke French, so that wasn’t a problem. The family wasn’t wealthy enough to send her all expenses paid, so her father arranged for her to support herself by working as an editorial assistant on a project to create a new French-Armenian dictionary.

She arrived in Paris in 1895 and returned to Constantinople in 1902. During that time a lot of things changed in her life. She was gaining much more prominence in both French and Armenian circles. She got married. She was publishing much more readily. What I really admire about her is that she made an effort not only to write for the Armenian community, but also to expose the French community to Armenian literature. So from the very beginning she would translate from Armenian into French, and she would write review pieces and other articles that introduced the Armenian literary tradition to the French public.

I wondered more broadly about her family’s economic position, because it’s quite difficult to tell from the memoir.

It’s tough to say because she doesn’t really go into much detail. It’s an enigma. Her mother and her father’s families both seem to have been well-to-do. Her paternal grandfather was a judge, her maternal great-grandfather was a civil servant, and other relatives had ties to the palace. But her father was irresponsible with his money, which caused his family to dip into periods of financial hardship. They had some periods where there was a lot of tension relating to money. The mother and the three aunts also worked, but it did not seem to alleviate the burden. These financial issues would continue throughout her life; she was never a wealthy woman.

In the review I refer to Yessayan as a feminist, but apparently she was quite reluctant to use this term. Why?

We can only speculate that she was reluctant to identify as a women writer or as a feminist, because writing by Armenian women at the time wasn’t considered to be very serious; it was seen as more of a pastime for bourgeois women, who mostly wrote poetry in the romantic style. Yessayan used to say that they just wrote “frivolous” stories, which meant anything that wasn’t attacking social injustice. She never worked within the confines of the social norms established for women, she tried to shatter them and redefine them for herself. The other women writing at the time never broke into the inner circle of Armenian literature like she did.

Yes, she used the word “feminist” with a lot of disdain and seems to have understood feminists as women beholden to a kind of movement, rather than women fighting autonomously to achieve political and social equality. Dissociating herself from the feminist movement and the term “feminism” seems to be just another way for her to assert her independence of thought.

But she got along very well with like-minded women. She worked on planning what was called the Solidarity League of Ottoman Women, drafting this idea with other Turkish women around 1908, right after the constitution was declared. The idea was to try to create cohesion between women of different ethnic communities, working specifically on education. During this time she also had plans to create an Armenian school for girls, as well as another project to train women teachers to teach in Armenian schools in the provinces. But even though she was working towards all these goals for the advancement of women, she tried to distance herself from the term “feminist,” as many women still do today.

The memoir gives a classic image of introverted confessional communities with little crossover. To what extent was Yessayan involved in cross-communal links as she developed as an intellectual?

That’s a question that I’ve also asked myself. I’d be very intrigued to know if she was reading Turkish literature. We don’t even know if she had a strong handle on the Turkish language. But in the early years she wasn’t dealing too much with any intellectual activity beyond the Armenian and French communities. Later on she developed a number of allies, but these were all people who she met in Paris. She had ties to Prince Sabahaddin, who was one of Sultan Abdülhamid’s relatives but had fallen out of favor and fled in 1899. She also worked with Ahmed Rıza. But apart from that we don’t know too much about any inter-communal collaboration.

In the memoir she expresses a strong distaste for what she saw as the “romantic sentimentalism” that was the literary fashion of the time, in favor of a kind of rationalism.

From the very beginning, she adopted the style and themes of the realist movement that was gaining momentum in the 1890s. This could be because romantic sentimentalism was the genre that women would most often write in, so it was another way to emphasize her exceptionalism as an author, while also showing that women were capable of rational thought. She does make the movement her own, though, by introducing complex female protagonists in her novels and laying bare their thoughts, fears and concerns. This is the first, and practically the last, time in Western Armenian literature that we see such multidimensional female characters and plot lines that address the particular experiences of women. In “The Gardens of Silihdar” she doesn’t portray women in the best light. She doesn’t seem have much respect even for the women in her family, partly because they appear to be driven by their emotions rather than by the rational principles she espoused.

There’s a big difference in how she portrays her mother and father. Her father comes across very positively while her mother is the opposite. What was behind this?

She had a very turbulent relationship with her mother during her childhood. Partly because her mother was battling a severe form of depression and couldn’t really take care of her children.

But her father was the kind of person she wanted to become. He was well-read, well-travelled, and very literary minded. He was also very mentorly and never treated her like a child, which is something she talks about in the book. Even when she was 10 years old he would have conversations with her about politics and social inequity. He didn’t try to sugarcoat anything for her and always treated her like an adult, who was capable of understanding complex ideas.

We can see the effects of this in her writing. Even in her very early writing she has a maturity to her ideas and expression. Her father was the one who encouraged her to write. He was actually the one who encouraged her to write about the issues that women faced in Armenian society at that time. She commented that his open-mindedness was an anomaly at the time. Her friends who were struggling with fathers that wanted to push them into marriages were envious of her, because hers encouraged her to develop her intellect and pursue a life that wasn’t the expected route for women at the time.

She seems to have had an extremely peripatetic decade after leaving Istanbul. Can you talk a little about the circumstances of why she left the city, where she went, and how her work changed?

In 1915 she was one of the intellectuals targeted for arrest on April 24. That evening, the Ottoman authorities came to the house looking for her, but she was visiting friends at the time. Her family got word to her that she was being pursued, so she hid in a hospital in Üsküdar for two months before fleeing over the Bulgarian border. But when Bulgaria entered the First World War she had to flee again, and went to the territory that would become the Independent Republic of Armenia and then Soviet Armenia. She lived there for two years, collecting many accounts and testimonies of Armenians who had fled the massacres in the Ottoman Empire. That’s what occupied her time from 1916 to 1918 – she was furiously interviewing people, documenting them and translating them into French for publication in newspapers to raise awareness about the plight of the Armenians.

In 1919 she settled in France, where we see a huge shift in her politics. From 1922 on, she became an advocate of socialism and worked hard to convince Armenians in the diaspora that there was no hope for the Armenian nation outside of the Soviet Republic. Many of her writings after 1922 were colored by her politics. A lot of them are dismissed as propaganda pieces and not taken as seriously as the work she had written earlier. She visited Armenia in 1926 and wrote what she said was a travelogue, but was really just a way to lure diasporan Armenians into moving to Soviet Armenia. She edited a French Armenian newspaper with socialist leanings for a while and then eventually moved to Armenia in 1933, settling there for good. That’s where she wrote “The Gardens of Silihdar,” which was a complete departure in style and theme from her other writings post-1922.

After 1935 she was arrested on trumped up charges, imprisoned and sent to a labor camp. The last we hear of her is in 1942 from a prison in Baku.

It’s so ironic and tragic that she said Armenians could only thrive in Soviet Armenia, but then ended up a victim of Stalin’s Great Purge. What were the accusations against her?

The charges were subversion. It had happening to a handful of Ottoman Armenian intellectuals who had settled in Soviet Armenia and who were writing these kinds of memoirs and accounts. The authorities feared they would incite the Armenian community to glorify a history that was pre-Soviet. But it’s all very secretive. Very little research has been done into this period.

February/14/2015

 

Filed Under: Articles, Interviews Tagged With: forgotten, İstanbul, life, ottoman, Zabel-Yessayan

  • « Previous Page
  • 1
  • …
  • 12
  • 13
  • 14
  • 15
  • 16
  • …
  • 22
  • Next Page »

Support Gagrule.net

Subscribe Free News & Update

Search

GagruleLive with Harut Sassounian

Can activist run a Government?

Wally Sarkeesian Interview Onnik Dinkjian and son

https://youtu.be/BiI8_TJzHEM

Khachic Moradian

https://youtu.be/-NkIYpCAIII
https://youtu.be/9_Xi7FA3tGQ
https://youtu.be/Arg8gAhcIb0
https://youtu.be/zzh-WpjGltY





gagrulenet Twitter-Timeline

Tweets by @gagrulenet

Archives

Books

Recent Posts

  • Pashinyan Government Pays U.S. Public Relations Firm To Attack the Armenian Apostolic Church
  • Breaking News: Armenian Former Defense Minister Arshak Karapetyan Pashinyan is agent
  • November 9: The Black Day of Armenia — How Artsakh Was Signed Away
  • @MorenoOcampo1, former Chief Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, issued a Call to Action for Armenians worldwide.
  • Medieval Software. Modern Hardware. Our Politics Is Stuck in the Past.

Recent Comments

  • Baron Kisheranotz on Pashinyan’s Betrayal Dressed as Peace
  • Baron Kisheranotz on Trusting Turks or Azerbaijanis is itself a betrayal of the Armenian nation.
  • Stepan on A Nation in Peril: Anything Armenian pashinyan Dismantling
  • Stepan on Draft Letter to Armenian Legal Scholars / Armenian Bar Association
  • administrator on Turkish Agent Pashinyan will not attend the meeting of the CIS Council of Heads of State

Copyright © 2025 · News Pro Theme on Genesis Framework · WordPress · Log in