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Rethink civil society amid Arab turmoil

February 11, 2013 By administrator

February 09, 2013 12:41 AM By Rami G. Khouri
The Daily Star

At a workshop this week at the Radcliffe Institute at Harvard University, I had the pleasure of engaging with colleagues from the United States, Europe and the Arab world on the question of how scholars can study current developments in “civil society” in the Arab world, during this historic moment of uprisings, revolutions and change. One of the fascinating aspects of the discussions was whether we could accurately use a term like “civil society” in the context of the current situation in Arab countries.

I suspect we may need to rethink some of the basic assumptions that have always shaped our understanding of how political change happens, given the many new developments under way. Not only do we need to acknowledge the monumental scale and nature of the political transformations under way across many Arab countries, we must also demand a change of equal magnitude in any indigenous or international attempts to understand those changes and engage with them, whether as academics, activists, officials or any other interested actor.

The notion of “civil society” has long been understood as referring to those associational activities that citizens engage in voluntarily in that vast public space between the state at one end and the individual citizen or the family at the other end. Civil society includes phenomena like non-governmental organizations, professional associations, media, single issue lobbying organizations, political parties and many other such groups that advocate policy issues (such as human rights protections) or just represent the best interests of their members.

One of the profound developments now taking place in the ongoing Arab uprisings and transformations is the breakdown of these neat categories we have long used to understand and analyze political life. The most dramatic manifestation of this that we discussed is the phenomenon of “street politics” that continue to shape developments in virtually all Arab countries – both the six Arab countries that experienced major change (Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria, Yemen and Bahrain) and other countries where unprecedented political action in the street or on the Internet do not reach the level of calling for regime change (Jordan, Kuwait, Morocco, Oman, Saudi Arabia).

The now continuous spectacle of large numbers of people in the streets demonstrating against some policy, or some person or political group, represents not only a new kind of politics, but perhaps also a new center of gravity of political action at the local and national levels. Events in the street now often determine how state policies are shaped or institutions created.

Street politics are not new in the Arab world, for small groups of people have often taken to the street in recent decades to express their anger at rising prices, poor state services, or political autocracy, but these one-off demonstrations have always been controlled by the state’s police power. Street politics today are different, I suspect, because the demonstrations last for months or years, and those men and women who take to the street are doing two things simultaneously: They are expressing their views on specific issues or persons, and they are actively resisting the actions of those who are in power or who threaten to seize power (such as the military, the Muslim Brotherhood or the evicted old guard).

It is probably safe to say that this kind of street politics that both expressed an opinion and actively resisted a foe started in the Arab modern era with the first Palestinian intifada against the Israeli occupation, which lasted five years starting in December 1987. The people on the streets today across the region are mostly opposing and resisting, clearly aware of what they oppose, and only occasionally articulating the specifics of what they seek to achieve. Having brought down bad old systems, they have not yet found the means to construct new political structures to replace the toppled former regime.

So can we refer to this phenomenon of street politics as part of “civil society”? Is it realistic to speak about “civil society” when the lines between the individual and the state have become so blurred in the past two years? I do not think we can, because the activism of millions of Arab men and women is challenging established autocratic orders without creating stable new orders. The masses of demonstrators in the street in many cases are not organized into clear groups, with expressed aims and identifiable leaders. The crowds are often spontaneous gatherings, merely a mass of many individuals rather than an organized association of members.

In taking to the street to engage in a new form of politics, these people in fact are also learning to engage in largely peaceful if slightly chaotic political contestation in a new public sphere that never existed before in the Arab world. They are giving form to that valuable space in the public sphere where traditional civil society activities occurred, and where real political contestation takes place in today’s exciting new world.

Rami G. Khouri is published twice weekly by THE DAILY STAR. You can follow him on twitter @RamiKhouri.

Read more: http://www.dailystar.com.lb/Opinion/Columnist/2013/Feb-09/205696-rethink-civil-society-amid-arab-turmoil.ashx#ixzz2Kby3g9Q0
(The Daily Star :: Lebanon News :: http://www.dailystar.com.lb)

Filed Under: Articles Tagged With: civil society amid Arab turmoil

Iran MP criticizes Turkey’s ‘crackdown’ on journalists

February 11, 2013 By administrator

Spokesperson for Iran’s Parliamentary Judicial and Legal Committee, Mohammad Ali Esfanani, has claimed there is a lack of press freedom in Turkey, according to Iranian news portal Khabar online.

Criticizing a country’s ruling system is not a valid reason to be charged as being a terrorist, Esfanani stated.

Esfanani drew attention to the number of legal cases regarding freedom of speech violations in Turkey, stressing that the Turkish government should respect freedom of speech as a crucial part of democracy.

The lawmaker encouraged the Turkish government to take further steps in supporting democracy and respecting the rights of journalists.

Filed Under: Articles Tagged With: Turkey's 'crackdown' on journalists

Iranian ambassador to Azerbaijan: Turkey spreading pan-Turkism

February 11, 2013 By administrator

Turkey is spreading pan-Turkism, Iranian ambassador to Azerbaijan Mohsen Pak Ayeen told Khabar Online in an interview, the Iranian embassy’s official website reported.

Referring to the spread of pan-Turkism in Turkey and Azerbaijan, Mohsen Pak Ayeen said, in part, “Turkey is spreading pan-Turkism. Turkey behaves like an elder brother to Central Asian countries, but there is certain difference between the beliefs of people living in Turkey and Azerbaijan: Turks are Sunnis while Azerbaijanis are Shias. Pan-Turkists make much efforts to act in Azerbaijan also and sometimes their propaganda casts doubt on the territorial integrity of other countries.”

Filed Under: Articles Tagged With: Turkey spreading pan-Turkism

Iranian website: Turkey, Azerbaijan provoke separatism among Iranian Azeris

February 11, 2013 By administrator

Turkey and Azerbaijan provoke separatism among Iranian Azeris, says an article in Tabnak.ir.

According to the website, satellite GunAz TV, which propagates separatism among Iran’s Turkish-speaking Azeris, will soon start to broadcast in Turkish.

One of the co-founders of the above mentioned TV channel, Ahmed Obal, told Today Zaman in an exclusive interview that GunAz TV’s broadcast in Turkey in 2006 was probably stopped due to pressure from Iran but the TV channel is working to return to Turksat.

According to Iranian media, Turkey’s state-run TV channel TRT recently called “Southern Azerbaijan” those provinces of Iran which have Turkish-speaking population and added that the 30 million Azeris undergo pressure in Iran.

More, Valley of the Wolves, a Turkish television serial aired by a television channel controlled by Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, has been turned from anti-Israeli and anti-American into anti-Iranian.

Read also:

 

Filed Under: Articles Tagged With: Azerbaijan provoke separatism among Iranian Azeris, Turkey

Profile: Pope gunman Mehmet Ali Agca (A typical Turkish way of killing and blaming others)

February 10, 2013 By administrator

BBC News 18 January 2010

The man who shot Pope John Paul II in 1981 has been set free after nearly 30 years behind bars.

But facts are few, and theories many, as to what Mehmet Ali Agca’s motives might have been.

Born in 1958 in Malatya province in eastern Turkey, Agca was a member of street gangs and involved in petty crime in his youth.

He became a smuggler between Turkey and Bulgaria, and then went to Syria, where he says he received weaponry and terrorist training which he claimed was funded by Bulgaria.

In 1979, while part of a Turkish ultra-nationalistic group called the Grey Wolves, Agca killed Abdi Ipekci, a prominent newspaper editor.

While awaiting trial for that crime, he escaped from prison to Bulgaria and was sentenced in his absence.

Three bullets

He reappeared in St Peter’s Square in the Vatican on 13 May 1981.

He opened fire on the Pope as he was being driven across the square in his open “Popemobile” to hold a general audience with a crowd of 20,000 people.

The Pope was hit by three bullets, one of which entered his stomach. Two of his aides were also injured.

Agca was arrested by Italian police as he tried to flee and sentenced to life imprisonment in Italy in July 1981.

Two years later the Pope publicly forgave Agca and even visited him in the Rebibbia prison in Rome, meeting him for 20 minutes.

Their conversation was kept confidential.

Trials and investigations

But Agca’s reasons for the shooting remained a mystery.

When first caught, he said he acted alone, but later made contradictory and often bizarre statements.

He said he was linked to a Palestinian militant group, but later blamed the Bulgarian secret service and the Soviet KGB for plotting the assassination attempt.

In court he claimed to be a new messiah, and questions were raised about his mental health.

In other statements he offered to team up with Dan Brown, the best-selling religious conspiracy writer, to produce a novel called The Vatican’s Code.

He has also volunteered to go to Afghanistan to kill Osama Bin Laden, the leader of al-Qaeda.

The alleged link to Bulgarian and Soviet secret services was certainly plausible: part of a communist plot to kill the Pope, who helped loosen the grip of communist authorities in his native Poland.

But after three investigations and two trials, no link was ever proved.

However in his memoir, Memory and Identity, published in 2005, John Paul II himself wrote that he was convinced that the attempted assassination was planned and commissioned.

Short-lived freedom

In June 2000, the Italian President Carlo Ciampi pardoned Agca, and he was extradited to Turkey to complete his prison sentence for the murder of Abdi Ipekci.

He was released in January 2006, and after a check-up at a military hospital was declared unfit for military service, because of “advanced anti-social personality disorder”.

But after just eight days, he was rearrested, when the Turkish Supreme Court ruled that he had not spent enough time in jail for the killing of the Turkish journalist.

Now, as he tastes freedom after almost three decades behind bars, will the reasons behind his shooting of the Pope become clear?

He has promised, in a letter released by his lawyers, that he will answer questions about the attack, and says he is beginning to consider book, film and television documentary offers.

“We not running away from the media, he may speak in a few days,” said his lawyer Gokay Gultekin.

Filed Under: Articles Tagged With: Pope gunman Mehmet Ali Agca

“Beating doctors is exclusively frequent in Turkey,” Demir said.

February 10, 2013 By administrator

Reported by: hurriyet daily news

Relative of patient attacks doctor in Turkey

A doctor allegedly suffered an attack by a relative of a patient in the southeastern Turkish province of Şanlıurfa on Feb. 9, a local health organization said.

Selami Balcı, the Şanlıurfa branch head of Türk Sağlık-Sen, a Turkish health workers group, told Anatolia news agency that Dr. Oğuzhan Demir had suffered blows on his neck and shoulders.

“A relative of a patient in the emergency room approached the doctor when he was prescribing medicines and asked, ‘Why don’t you pay attention to us?’ and started to attack,” Balcı said.

Filed Under: Articles Tagged With: Beating doctors is exclusively frequent in Turkey

Erdoğan slams US envoy’s remarks, saying ‘Turkey is not anybody’s scapegoat’

February 10, 2013 By administrator

February 10, 2013 – 15:32 AMT

PanARMENIAN.Net – Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan criticized U.S. envoy to Turkey Francis Ricciardone’s remarks on long detention periods in Turkey during a speech at the ruling Justice and Development Party’s (AKP) Istanbul advisory council on Feb 9, according to Hurriyet Daily News.

“No one should be mistaken about our patience, tolerance and friendliness. Turkey is not anybody’s scapegoat. Turkey is not a country with which to meddle in its internal issues or its executive, legislative and judiciary systems. And certainly not a country whose foreign policy guidelines can be dictated [by others],” Erdoğan said.

Ricciardone had criticized the fact that military leaders in Turkey were behind bars “as if they were terrorists” during a meeting with Ankara media bureau chiefs on Feb 5, provoking heated reactions from many officials from the government and AKP cadres.

“When a legal system produces such results and confuses people like that for terrorists, it makes it hard for American and European courts to match up. We are working to reconcile our legal processes in both countries,” he said.

During his speech, Erdoğan also accused European Union members of “protecting terror suspects linked to groups operating in Turkey”, saying that Turkey’s patience “was running out.”

Filed Under: Articles

Syria’s Kurds Try to Balance Security and Alliances

February 10, 2013 By administrator

By JOSH WOOD
Published: February 6, 2013 NYT

ERBIL, IRAQ — Syria’s Kurds have mostly escaped prolonged bouts of direct conflict in the country’s civil war, but with rebel units pushing east toward the resource-rich Kurdish heartland, Kurdish militias proliferating and calls for greater autonomy growing, this may not remain the case.

Last summer, the Democratic Union Party, known by its Kurdish-language acronym P.Y.D., seized control of many towns and villages in the Kurdish majority northeast. The group also holds territory in a few Aleppo neighborhoods and some towns around the city.

The P.Y.D. is the most powerful Kurdish faction in Syria and has a well trained militia. This is perhaps a product of its ties to the Kurdistan Workers’ Party, or P.K.K., a guerrilla group that has been fighting for Kurdish autonomy in Turkey.

The leadership of the P.Y.D. plays down its ties to the P.K.K. But Syrian Kurds often use the names interchangeably, and P.Y.D. offices feature portraits of the imprisoned P.K.K. leader Abdullah Ocalan and Syrian P.K.K. guerrillas killed in fighting with Turkey.

Detractors of the P.Y.D. accuse it of working in collusion with the Syrian government. The party’s leadership and supporters, who say they were struggling against the government to secure rights for Syria’s two million-plus Kurds well before the uprising began in 2011, reject this allegation.

But in the complexities of Syria’s civil war, friendships are not born of common enemies.

The P.Y.D.’s militant Kurdish nationalism, which puts ethnic identity before allegiance to Syria, and their goal of some form of autonomy has put them at odds with Syria’s rebels. After decades of discriminatory policies against the Kurds under the Baath Party, the P.Y.D. is opposed to anybody but Kurds ruling their areas.

Last month, fighting flared in Ras al-Ain, which the Kurds call Serekaniye, as rebel units assaulted P.Y.D.-held areas. Dozens were killed in the fighting.

“Those groups attacking Serekaniye, we don’t consider them as Free Syrian Army,” said Saleh Muslim, the leader of the P.Y.D. Instead, he said the groups that attacked “are mainly just taking orders from the Turkish regime.”

The Free Syrian Army “is a name, or a trademark, not registered to anybody,” said Mr. Muslim. “So anybody can come from his home and get a hold of some weapons and say, ‘I am Free Syrian Army.”’

The push on Ras al-Ain, a town on the Turkish border about 300 kilometers, or 185 miles, northeast of Aleppo, could reflect a number of things: a rebel attempt to gain strategic territory, the lack of coordination among Free Syrian Army units, the spread of armed groups beyond the control of the Free Syrian Army, or the prodding of rebel groups by Turkey to confront the Kurds.

Mr. Muslim believes that Turkey, which is concerned that P.Y.D.-controlled areas along its borders could act as a base for P.K.K. attacks and has warned of intervention if it feels threatened, had something to do with the outbreak of fighting.

“I think it’s a part of the larger plan by the Turkish regime,” he said. “They want to disarm all people, to leave them without defense.”

Beyond the strategic value offered by the northeast, with its access to long stretches of the Iraqi and Turkish borders, the area is home to the majority of Syria’s oil. Before the conflict, oil exports earned Syria $4 billion per year.

The amount of oil that Syria could produce is negligible when compared with other exporters in the region, but with the economy shattered the oil fields are attractive real estate.

There are conflicting reports over who holds the main northeastern oil fields around the town of Rmeilan, though in late January a video appeared online purporting to show members of the P.Y.D.’s militia patrolling the smaller Gir Ziro field nearby.

Beyond the P.Y.D., the other notable political player in Syria’s Kurdish areas is the Kurdish National Council, a coalition of 16 parties. The parties are mostly small and have differing views, though on the whole they are more amenable to working with the mainstream Syrian opposition, which the P.Y.D. rejects.

Click to Continue reading on New York Time

Filed Under: Articles Tagged With: Kurdish news

Baku tries to condemn the human rights defender who published facts about murders of soldiers in Azerbaijani Army

February 9, 2013 By administrator

Azerbaijani Defense Ministry official is at law with the human rights defender Alekper Mamedov who published information about the murders of soldiers in Azerbaijani Army in order to sale their organs later. It is noteworthy that parents of soldiers on whose words the defender based his statements confirm his words, however, and they are also under pressure.

As the article published in Azerbaijani newspaper Zerkalo says, lawsuit against Alekper Mammadov was filed by the medical examiner of the Azerbaijani Defense Ministry Rasim Aliyev on October 1, in 2012. Aliyev accuses Mammadov of slandering and demands to fine the defender at 100,000 Euros. “The trial that continues for over 5 months, is used for keeping the head of the Azerbaijani Center of democratic civic control, human rights defender Alekper Mamedov, under pressure. They try to keep his mouth shut,” said Director of the Institute for Peace and Democracy Leyla Yunus at a press conference.

According to Yunus, this is not the first case of human rights defenders’ persecution in Azerbaijan. Alekper Mamedov actively lobbied against negative phenomena in the army. This suggests that the pressure on human rights defender is initiated by the Ministry of Defense,” Leyla Yunus stated.

As Leyla Yunus noted, human rights advocate Alekper Mamedov did not make any remarks against Rasim Aliyev therefore, the honor and dignity of the plaintiff are not affected, thus the suit is absurd. As Mamedov noted, though they have advanced a civil suit against him, they can also nail him on charges. Thus, if the court obliges Mamedov to pay 100,000 Euros and he pays it then he will be subjected to criminal prosecution.

As the human rights activist noted, not only he is kept under pressure, but also the parents of the soldiers who demand a fair investigation of the death of their sons. “Thus, a criminal case was filed against Jahan Iskenderli, father of Parviz Iskenderli, who, according to the official version, had hanged himself up at the military unit on July 14 last year. He tried to conduct an independent investigation over the death of his son, but was detained by the police. Jahan Iskenderli was released only after the intervention of the Zerkalo newspaper,” Mamedov stated.

The parents of Parviz Iskenderli – Jahan and Cephas Iskenderli who were present at the press conference, confirmed the words of Alekper Mammadov.

Alekper Mammadov also noted that the parents of the dead soldiers declare about the facts of the crime to the Prosecutor’s Office Military, the crime investigator, however, ignore those facts. Thus, during the investigation over Elshan Novruzov’s death, who, according to official version, died of meningitis in August 2012, the investigator refused to listen to the arguments of his mother Salbi Novruzova and said that she could complain to whoever she wanted. Novruzova managed to reach Khanlar Veliyev, the Military Prosecutor of Azerbaijan who agreed with her arguments and ordered another investigator to carry out the investigation, Alekper Mammadov said.

After the press conference the correspondent of the newspaper contacted with Elshan Novruzov’s mother Salbi Novruzov, and she fully confirmed Alekper Mammadov’s words.

Last year Alekper Mammadov and relatives of soldier killed in the Azerbaijani army gave press conferences repeatedly telling how in the Army of Azerbaijan the organs of their relatives were taken out. It was noted that some oligarchs and officials of Azerbaijan needed internal organs. As Mamedov reported the military prosecutor of Nakhchivan Yashar Hasanov hired a killer for shooting him down. In 2012 in the Azerbaijani Armed Forces at least 97 soldiers have been killed, 80% of which died in non-combat situation.

Source: Panorama.am

Filed Under: Articles Tagged With: Azerbaijan

Zoryan announces new donation, publishes Spanish translation of Sumgait eyewitness accounts

February 9, 2013 By administrator

Henry Sarkissian, Armenian philanthropist, noted international businessman, and the president of world-class Contractor in Industrial and Power Projects, has just made the largest donation this year to the Zoryan Institute amounting to $100,000, Armenian Reporter said.

Sarkissian, based in Beirut, Lebanon, with offices in several countries of the Gulf, Africa and North America, has been a long-time supporter of the Institute’s mission, which is to serve the cause of scholarship and public awareness relating to issues of universal human rights, genocide, and diaspora-homeland relations, through the systematic and continued efforts of independent scholars.

In response to a letter of gratitude from Zoryan’s president, Mr. Sarkissian simply replied, “The Zoryan Institute deserves our humble donation.” Over the years, he, along with his family, have sponsored conferences, publications, and other activities of the Institute held in Europe, Armenia and North America.

George Shirinian, Executive Director of the Zoryan Institute, remarked, “The Institute has just completed thirty years of service to the academic community and to our people. We look back with pride on the acknowledgement we have received from community and government leaders, scholars, students, and the thousands of supporters, large and small, who have encouraged us in our work. It is only with their help that Zoryan has been able to achieve as much as it has. We are excited as we look forward to what the next thirty years will bring!”

Prof. Roger W. Smith, the chairman of Zoryan’s Academic Board, declared, “We are grateful for the generosity of Mr. Sarkissian. This kind of “noble” donation not only brings enthusiasm to people at the Institute, but also reinforces the commitment of its directors, the staff and the volunteers to work even harder in conducting their academic work, including research, analysis and publication on issues related to the forces that shape modern Armenian life, politics, history and identity in a global context. We are hopeful that others will follow Mr. Sarkissian’s example.”

“Tragedy of Sumgait” in Spanish

The Sumgait Tragedy: Pogroms against Armenians in Soviet Azerbaijan: Eyewitness Accounts is as relevant today as when it was first published by the Zoryan Institute. A new Italian language edition, La Tragedia di Sumgait: 1988, Un Pogrom di armeni nell’Unione Sovietica has just been released. The edition was prepared by Pietro Kuciukian and published by Guerini e Associati of Milan and marks the ninth language in which Zoryan’s work has been published. This edition includes the prefaces both from the English edition by human rights activist Yelena Bonner, and the French edition by human rights activist, French politican, and co-founder of Médecins Sans Frontières, Bernard Kouchner. The appearance of this book is very timely, exposing the origins of the current conflict, as Azerbaijan continues to use threatening and warmongering language against Armenia and Artsakh.

For three days in February, 1988, the Azerbaijani city of Sumgait became the arena of pogroms against the Armenians. The Sumgait tragedy was a brutal, organized attempt to block a political solution to the peaceful demands of the Armenians of Mountainous Karabagh, over 1000 km away from Sumgait, which is deeply within Azerbaijan proper. These events marked the beginning of a premeditated plan to depopulate Azerbaijan of Armenians, and eventually of Russians and Jews.

The book is a compilation of interviews conducted by Armenian journalist Samvel Shahmuratian with Sumgait survivors immediately after events in February 1988, while the memory was fresh. These testimonies give painful answers to critical questions. What happened in Sumgait? Why was the impending slaughter not averted? Why did measures to halt the massacres come too late? Why did the events not receive complete analysis and coverage by the mass media, the government, and judicial bodies? The answers to these questions come from the victims themselves, in halting painful narratives.

In 1988, the Nagorno-Karabagh Autonomous Oblast was a small, 4400 sq. km. (1699 sq. mi.) Soviet enclave with a population of approximately 153,000, of which 80% was Armenian. It is central to Armenian cultural and historical identity. Since its transfer by Stalin to Azerbaijan in 1921, the government of Azerbaijan pursued a policy of economic and social discrimination and political repression, making life intolerable for its citizens in a variety of ways. In the 1960s and 1970s, the government of Nagorno-Karabagh petitioned the central Soviet government several times for relief from these conditions, without success.

The advent of Mikhail Gorbachev and his policies of glasnost and perestroika encouraged the people of Nagorno-Karabagh to call for self-determination within the existing legal framework and within the jurisdiction of Azerbaijan. Starting in 1987, they signed petitions, held vigils, conducted hunger strikes, demonstrations, rallies and general strikes. Massive marches took place in Stepanakert and Yerevan. On February 26, 1988, Gorbachev tried to calm the situation by asking for a moratorium on the demonstrations for one month, after which he would announce a new policy regarding Nagorno-Karabagh. The Armenians agreed to suspend their protests.

A wave of anti-Armenian statements and rallies swept over Azerbaijan. This culminated in three days (February 27-29) of unhindered mass pogroms against the Armenians living in Sumgait, a city of some 250,000 inhabitants, miles away from Nagorno-Karabagh.

The perpetrators who broke into Armenian homes were aided by prepared lists containing the names of residents. They were armed with iron rods, stones, axes, knives, bottles, and canisters full of benzene. According to witnesses, some apartments were raided by groups of 50 to 80 persons. Similar crowds, up to 100 people, stormed the streets.

There were dozens of casualties and 53 murders – most of those were burnt alive after being assaulted and tortured. Hundreds of innocent people were wounded and disabled. Many women, including adolescent girls, were raped. Over 200 apartments were raided, dozens of cars burnt, numerous shops and workshops looted. Mobs hurled furniture, refrigerators, TV sets, and beds from balconies and then burnt them. The direct and indirect results of these atrocities were tens of thousands of Armenian refugees.

The army arrived in Sumgait on February 29; however, it limited its activities to shielding itself against the ravaging Azerbaijani mob that threw stones at the soldiers and did little to protect Armenians.

As the true story behind Armenian-Azerbaijani relations has become obscured by propaganda, oil lobbyists, and economic interests, this volume serves as a valuable document for Italian readers when considering a resolution to the ongoing Karabagh conflict.

This new edition provides an abridged version of the interviews, making it an excellent introductory text for Italian readers interested in learning more about the Sumgait tragedy. This new version also arranges the interviews into thematic chapters, making them easy to navigate and providing those who are new to the subject with more context.

The Zoryan Institute is the parent organization of the International Institute for Genocide and Human Rights Studies, which runs an annual, accredited university program on the subject and is co-publisher of Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal in partnership with the International Association of Genocide Scholars and the University of Toronto Press. It is the first non-profit, international center devoted to the research and documentation of contemporary issues with a focus on Genocide, Diaspora and Armenia.

Filed Under: Articles Tagged With: Sumgait eyewitness accounts

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