A recent PhD thesis completed under my supervision has found ample evidence that some tariqahs (sufi brotherhoods) are undergoing a tremendous transformation towards Islamism and Selefism.

Dr. Ömer Faruk Ertürk has shown in his thesis titled, “(In)Compatibility Arguments Of Islam And Democracy From The Point Of Sufism: A Menzil Naqshbandiyya Case,” how the Justice and Development Party’s (AKP) move towards Islamism has also impacted one of its beneficiaries and staunch supporters, the Menzil group. You should, of course, read the whole thesis, and I hope that it is published in book form as soon as possible, but still I want to summarize its main findings here.

Dr. Ertürk has found that the Twitter posts of the prominent Menzil elite “are replete with unacceptable messages which curse any oppositional movements, displays or expressions to the AKP government. The other political parties are seen as enemies and there is no place for freedom of expression and independent media in Menzil’s idealization.” The elder son of the present Menzil Sheikh “clearly states that democracy as a regime is not compatible with Islam in that it encourages committing crimes and sins.” Dr. Ertürk underlines that “their approach to the concepts of democracy, liberalism and modernity is highly problematic in that they assume that they are the products of a Western way of living. The language they use in reference to those issues is rather superficial and slogan-like. For example, when Muhammed Saqi Elhüseyni calls his followers to participate in elections, he also states that democracy is quite incompatible with Islam. In the same vein, it is clearly seen that the elite gets maximum benefits from modernity in their use of planes, brand new Audi and Mercedes cars, modern facilities, satellite TV broadcasting, and even the retractable ceiling over part of the dargah in Menzil village. However, Ali Yurtgezen (one of the Menzil elite) states, without hesitation, that modernity and jahiliyyah are not different things.” It is obvious that they are under the influence of Sayyid Qutb on these matters.

Dr. Ertürk has also observed a trend toward an excommunicative language employed by the Menzil elite, who use Quranic verses about infidels and sinners to depict the AKP’s opponents. He concludes that “choosing a ruler as purely Islamic (a matter of belief and faith) makes adherents more intolerant and uncompromising for other believers.” This excommunicative language is reminiscent of Islamists, and this “was once the biggest difference between the two. Its consequence is the veneration of the state mechanism, radicalization or Salafization of Sufism.”

 

The Menzil elite also espouse a sort of Ottomanism that is irredentist. Thus, even though Syria and Iraq are Muslim majority countries, some Menzil elites want to engage in war in order to take back the lands which were once the Ottoman lands. They also “think that the world, especially oppressed nations, have long pined for the just leadership of the Muslim Turk, which once led the world by example.” The Menzil elite also suffer from obsessive skepticism and paranoia about the West. They keep referring to people as Lawrences (the British intelligence), secret Armenians, converted Jews, Israeli offspring and even Byzantines inside “us.” For them, kufr (infidelity) is the West itself, and they think that the West has puppets and extensions within our society. Dr. Ertürk states that “for a Sufi community, this sort of excessive belief in conspiracy theories leads to a shift from inclusive language to exclusive language, which is totally contradictory to Sufism’s raison d’etre. In this respect, there is hardly a difference between the Menzil Sufis and Salafi/Wahhabi inspired Islamists: both produce shallow slogans as a matter of routine.”