Turkish Army Besieges and Attacks Several Kurdish Provinces and Villages (Kurd Massacre in progress)

August 22, 2015 By administrator

By Kurdistan National Congress KNK:

With Erdogan’s ending of the Kurdish-Turkish peace process on the 24th of July a new total war against the Kurds is under way. Since this date Kurdish mountains, villages and geography have been under daily attack and bombardment. For almost a week the Turkish Special Forces, supported by the army, has declared a state of emergency in Kurdish towns and are undertaking extrajudicial killings in the region.

Most recently in districts like Varto, Semdinli, Farqin, Yuksekova, Nusaybin and Lice a state of emergency has been declared, civilians have been targeted, workplaces have been bombed and houses have been set alight. They are not allowing for those that have been killed as a result of these attacks to be buried and those that have been injured to receive treatment. All entries and exits from these towns and provinces have been banned, while the security forces are terrorizing the people in the regions that have been cut off from the rest of the country. Main power supplies and water supplies to these towns are being purposefully cut.

The people living in these places are very worried and say that they are facing the threat of massacre. Until now several civilians have been reported killed, however, according to local sources the death toll is much higher than what is being reported on by the state. The Turkish army has also besieged the rural regions surrounding these districts and is conducting heavy bombardments in the villages; these bombardments are still continuing.

The main reason behind these attacks and the extrajudicial killings of civilians is down to Turkish President Erdogan giving unlimited powers to the security forces. This is yet another sign of the animosity of the AKP towards the Kurdish people. By attacking the Kurdish people, the Turkish government and President Erdogan are morally and practically supporting ISIS.

We call upon the international public to stand against this war effort led by the Turkish President Erdogan.
We call upon the EU and the member states, the USA and the UN to break their silence over the threat of massacre against the Kurds in Turkey.
We call upon the international media to take an interest in the issue that has a significant bearing on the fight against ISIS in the region

Source: kurdistantribune.com

Turkey to freeze anti-Armenian plans to avoid multi-front conflicts – Armenian analyst

August 21, 2015 By administrator

in an interview with Tert.am, Head of the Modus Vivendi center Ara Papyan commented on Kurds declaring Turkey’s Dersim an autonomous region and spoke of consequences.
According to him, a number of analysts, including himself, are speaking of that. That is, time of disintegration of empires is coming. Turkey has found itself “between two or three fires” and has to freeze its anti-Armenian programs for a while not to war on several battlefields at a time.
Mr Papyan, Kurdish insurgents have declared Dersim an autonomous region and set checkpoints there. What will be the impact on Armenia in terms of security and, so to say, territorial claims?
To understand the phenomena we should take a wider view of things. I think is frozen process is simmering in the Middle East, which stemmed from World War I. This is disintegration of empires. At one moment, the process was interrupted because of the Russian revolution to resume in the Balkans in the 1990s. And it should be expected in the Middle East and Russia now. I think that, if establishing good-neighborly relations with neighbors fails, relations need to be established with organized societies – religious or ethnic groups – in the states in question.

Alevis constitute 70-80 percent of the Dersim population, with a dense Alevi population in the adjacent territories. And it is a question of 12-20 million people in Turkey.
I should also note that although Alevis are considered Shiites, many of them do not profess Islam. They consider themselves followers of a different religion because of essential differences. Moreover, Alevis have shown a much better attitude to Armenians and it is no coincidence that many more Armenians were saved in the Alevi-populated regions during the Armenian Genocide. We should also remember the Dersim massacre of 1938. In contrast to the Armenian Genocide, Turkey actually recognized the massacre and Recep Erdogan gave an apology. This all, with developing sense of national identity, is a new phenomenon. Will it lead to disintegration of Turkey and formation of new states – it is too early to speak of that. However, the fact is that it is a most serious process. And Dersim is not the only region. Numerous other Kurdish regions are being ravaged by hostilities. So we are entering a period of serious changes many, including myself, have for years spoken of.

When war operations got under way along the Turkey-Syria border at the end of July, you foresaw the start of difficult times for Turkey. So is the self-proclamation of Dersim a sign that your predictions are coming true?
It is, as a matter of fact, a phase of those difficult days, with Turkey being between the devil and the deep see. On the one hand, it faces [the ethnic] minorities internally; we call them minorities conventionally, because a dense population of 12, 15 or 20 million is far from being a minority; It’s a whole commune, let alone a nation as the Alevi community needs to be treated as a creed. It’s a powerful phenomenon. The other trouble is that the Islamists have started pressuring Turkey. So Turkey is facing blows by the Alevis from the left and the Islamists from the right. Plus, the West is shifting the emphasis on cooperation to Iran, a move that will undermine Turkey’s major significance.
We, the Armenians, will yet another time, find ourselves unprepared in face of the groundbreaking periods. Obviously, though, it is very important to be prepared for such moments. It is periods like this that open up an opportunity to solve different problems, including Armenia’s land issue. And this is where the Alevis could be allies for us, as it appears to be a big problem for Turkey. It isn’t as though it lessens Turkey’s chances for intervention. Let us not forget that Turkey has sunk in the West’s estimation as a NATO member country and an Islamic state without, at the same time, finding allies in the Islamic world. On the contrary, it has gained enemies. So I repeat, Turkey is going to face hard times. As to our possible advantages, it is linked to quite a lot of objective and subjective factors.
So should Turkey temporarily freeze such anti-Armenian strategic plans as the Turkey-Azerbaijan duo, Panturkism etc?

It should, because it isn’t easy to carry on a war or conflict on different fronts. And it’s not for every country, especially Turkey.
But if we approach the problem from the standpoint of the Armenian lands while Dersim and Alevis keep striving for independence, it is too early to speak about that. For them, however, it is advantageous to have Armenia as their neighbor, as that would open their way to the sea.
And what is all that likely to bring about inside Turkey? Is a war scenario possible? Turkey is not clearly going to wait in idleness. So what is the expected action?
A war, which is practically in progress. And Turkey even uses air equipment to suppress the rebels. But experience shows that a military pressure is not likely to solve the problem … So, what is Turkey going to do? To keep using pressure, annihilating and massacring people? But its chances to do that are becoming less and less, as there are powers interested in maintaining the domestic instability. Those are the forces that wouldn’t wish, for instance, the Iranian gas to reach the European market and become a rival to the Russian gas, i.e. – Gazprom. The Iraq-Syria route is now closed to keep Turkey in isolation; the other option is the Azerbaijan-Georgia route which may close at any moment in light of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The next remaining option is the Armenia-Georgia [route]. So there are different conflict forces here.

Syria: 16 dead in an anti-Kurdish suicide bombing claimed by the IU

August 20, 2015 By administrator

At least 16 people, mostly members of the Kurdish security forces, have been killed in Syria Wednesday in a suicide bombing claimed by the jihadist group Islamic State (EI) in the city of Qamishli (northeast).

The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights (OSDH) indicated that “a suicide bomber aboard a vehicle has targeted the local headquarters of Asayich (Kurdish security forces) in Qamishli”, adding that the attack killed 10 members of Asayich.

The attack was claimed by the IU on the Internet, the extremist group indicating that the bomber had used a water tanker to enter the headquarters of “Asayich”.

“It was a powerful explosion. At least 14 civilians were also wounded, “said the director of OSDH, Rami Abdel Rahman.

Kurdish forces have cordoned off the area in the industrial district of Qamishli, a city mainly Kurdish province of Hasaka, he added.

The Syrian official SANA news agency also reported the attack, giving a balance of 13 dead and 50 wounded.

According to local journalist Arin Chekhmos, the explosion was heard throughout the city. “I was not next door but I could hear it from where I was,” said Mr. Chekhmos AFP by phone, shortly after visiting the scene of the attack.

“There is a lot of destruction – buildings in at least two streets were completely destroyed,” he said.

Qamishli, joint control of local Kurdish authorities and the Syrian regime, has been the target of several attacks this year. In late July, the bombings have targeted fighters YPG (Protection Units of the Kurdish people) and Asayich, killing at least three injuries.

Kurdish militias that have driven the EI successively including the towns of Ayn al-Arab and Tall Abyad, bordering Turkey, emerged as one of the most able to combat these jihadists who have seized large swathes of Iraqi territory strengths and Syria.

Thursday, August 20, 2015,
Stéphane © armenews.com

Turkey is now full fledged war against Kurdish population Number of ‘Special Security Zones’ in Turkey now exceeds 100

August 19, 2015 By administrator

Around 250 villagers built up tents at the foot of Ağrı Mountain to protest Special Security Zones put in place there on Aug. 6. (Photo: DHA)

The number of “Special Security Zones” — a new name for the infamous Emergency Rule Regions (OHAL) of the 1990s — in Turkey’s east and southeast is now over 100, media outlets reported on Wednesday. report Zaman

According to the Habertürk daily, the security forces have declared 21 areas in the Silvan, Lice and Kulp districts of Diyarbakır province as Special Security Zones until Sept. 5, while the Ağrı and Tendürek areas were declared as such for the period Aug. 2-17.

Other areas declared Special Security Zones in east and southeast Turkey are the Şenkaya district of Erzurum province; the Nusaybin, Kızıltepe and Mazıdağı districts of Mardin province; the Yüksekova district of Hakkari province; areas between the Köprübaşı border gate and Karkamış district in Gaziantep province; areas between the Yağmuralan-Tatlıca highway, the Öncül-Arıcandere highway and the Esentepe military outpost-Ziyaret military outpost highway in Şanlıurfa province; the Ovacık, Nazımiye, Çemişgezek, Hozat and Mazgirt districts of Tunceli province; the Uludere and Cizre districts of Şırnak province; and the Pervari and Eruh districts of Siirt province.

Meanwhile, five areas in Şırnak have been declared temporary “Military Security Zones” for six months by a Cabinet decision. Law No. 2565 on Military Forbidden Zones and Security Zones provides for the establishment of two types of security zones — Military Security Zones and Special Security Zones.

After a suicide bombing in Suruç in Şanlıurfa province killed 33 activists and injured 100 more on July 20, clashes involving the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) have grown in number. Two police officers were killed by PKK members on July 22 in retaliation for Turkish authorities’ perceived failure to prevent the Suruç attack. The violence and PKK-led attacks further escalated when Turkey carried out air strikes on PKK bases in neighboring Iraq. More than 45 Turkish security personnel have been killed in PKK attacks or clashes with the terrorist organization.

The OHAL period lasted for 15 years in southeast Turkey during the 1980s and 1990s, when the Turkish security forces implemented tough security measures to fight against the PKK in the region. The period was also marked by human rights violations of the Kurdish population in the area, leading to the period being considered a dark era of recent Turkish history. Thousands of individuals were abducted or fell victim to unsolved murders for political reasons.

Turkey: another 12 soldiers killed in PKK attack, clashes in past 24 hours

August 19, 2015 By administrator

(Photo: Cihan)

Eight soldiers were killed in a bomb attack carried out by members of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) terrorist organization in Siirt province on Wednesday afternoon, while four other troops died in clashes between Turkish security forces and PKK terrorists in the Lice and Hani districts of Diyarbakır on Tuesday evening.

In a statement released on its website, the military said “separatist terrorist organization members” detonated a handmade bomb planted on the highway between Siirt’s Şirvan and Pervari districts as a military vehicle was passing by. Eight soldiers were killed in the attack. The Cihan news agency said three members of the security forces were among the deceased. Ambulances were dispatched to the area to aid the wounded soldiers.

In addition, a soldier who was injured in fighting in the southeastern district of Lice on Tuesday later died in the hospital, raising the number of soldiers killed in the Lice clashes to two.

Six Turkish soldiers had suffered injuries when a clash broke out between security forces and PKK members on Tuesday afternoon in Lice. The soldiers were taken to Diyarbakır’s Dicle University Hospital by helicopter. One of the soldiers, who was in critical condition, died from his injuries, according to the military.

The military said reinforcement units, helicopters and a reconnaissance airplane had been dispatched to the area. Another two soldiers were killed and one was wounded in a clash with terrorist PKK members in Hani, >another district in Diyarbakır, on Tuesday evening.

In a statement released on Wednesday, the military said approximately 100-150 people from the town of Gömeç in Hani attempted to form a human shield against an operation launched when PKK terrorists closed the Diyarbakır-Bingöl highway to traffic on Monday evening. PKK terrorists disguised themselves as villagers, and a clash broke out between them and security forces at around 8:55 p.m. Two soldiers were killed and another was wounded during the exchange of fire, according to the military.

In the meantime, a police officer was injured in a PKK attack carried out against a police station in the Bağlar district of Diyarbakır. The police responded to the attack by PKK terrorists who opened fire on the station. The terrorists then fled the scene. The injured police officer was taken to Dicle University Medical Faculty Hospital for treatment.

Source: Zaman

Turkey: Four mayor co-chairs detained over autonomy statements in Turkey’s southeast

August 19, 2015 By administrator

DİYARBAKIR – Doğan News Agency

Four mayoral co-chairs from the Democratic Regions’ Party (DBP) were detained Aug. 19 in two districts of Diyarbakır over recent statements declaring autonomy from Ankara.

Security forces conducted simultaneous operations early on Aug. 19 over the declarations in Diyarbakır and detained the co-chairs of Sur Municipality, Seyid Narin and Fatma Şık Barut, along with the co-chairs of Silvan Municipality, Yüksel Bodakçı and Melikşah Teke, from the DBP.

The recent prevalence of autonomy statements from DBP officials in southeastern provinces first began on Aug. 10 in Şırnak when DBP provincial head Salih Gülenç vowed to “build their lives on the basis of democracy” on the grounds that the state had lost its legitimacy.

One day later, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan slammed the statements, saying they would pay heavy price for their statements.

An operation then began on Aug. 12 following Erdoğan’s remarks which targeted DBP provincial head, the mayor and the party managers. Three were detained in police raids and two managers of the DBP, Salih Ürek and Leyla İşlek, were arrested.

The second statement, meanwhile, came from Hakkari on the same day as the operations. DBP Hakkari central district co-chair İbrahim Çiftçi declared the area’s autonomy, saying, “No one assigned by the state will govern us.”

On Aug. 15 the autonomy statements came from the Silvan district of Diyarbakır and the southeastern province of Batman.

“As the people of Farqîn [Silvan], we do not want to be ruled in this fashion,” said Silvan DBP district head Barış Gülenyüzlü, adding that the residents would no longer accept the Justice and Development Party’s (AKP) heavy-handed administration that operates on the notion that “everybody must follow my orders and move according to my desires.”

On the same day, Batman Municipality co-chairs Sabri Özdemir and Gülistan Akel made another autonomy statement.

The Hakkari Public Prosecutor’s Office launched Aug. 17 an investigation over the consecutive statements.

Accordingly, special operations police and counter-terrorism forces began simultaneous operations targeting DBP and Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) figures in a number of districts and provinces.

The Istanbul neighborhood of Gazi, which has long been a flashpoint between locals and the state, also declared autonomy on Aug. 18.

The DBP is a sister party to the HDP and operates mostly in Turkey’s east and southeast.

Turkey: PKK bomb attack killed Eight Turkish soldiers and many wounded in Turkey’s southeast

August 19, 2015 By administrator

Eight soldiers were killed in the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) bomb attack in the southeastern province of Siirt.

PKK militants remotely detonated a bomb placed on the road linking Şirvan and Pervari districts during the passing of a military patrolling convoy. Several soldiers were also reported to be wounded.

Medical teams from Siirt and its environs were deployed to the area to bring the wounded soldiers to hospital.

Turkey Pays Former CIA Director & Lobbyists To Misrepresent Attacks on Kurds & ISIS

August 19, 2015 By administrator

BY HARUT SASSOUNIAN

Thousands of articles have been published worldwide in the recent weeks exposing Turkey’s strategic trickery — using the pretext of fighting ISIS to carry out a genocidal bombing campaign against the Kurds who have courageously countered ISIS in Syria and Iraq.

The Wall Street Journal reported on August 12 that a senior US military official accused Turkey of deceiving the American government by allowing its use of Incirlik airbase to attack ISIS, as a cover for President Erdogan’s war on Kurdish fighters (PKK) in northern Iraq. So far, Turkey has carried out 300 air strikes against the PKK, and only three against ISIS! Erdogan’s intent in punishing the Kurds is to gain the sympathy of Turkish voters in the next parliamentary elections, enabling his party to win an outright majority and establish an autocratic presidential theocracy.

To conceal its deception and mislead the American public, within days of starting its war on the Kurds, Ankara hired Squire Patton Boggs for $32,000 a month, as a subcontractor to the powerful lobbying firm, the Gephardt Group. Squire Patton Boggs includes former Senators Trent Lott and John Breaux, and retired White House official Robert Kapla. The Gephardt lobbying team for Turkey consists of subcontractors Greenberg Traurig, Brian Forni, Lydia Borland, and Dickstein Shapiro LLP; the latter recently added to its lobbying staff former CIA Director Porter Goss. Other lobbying firms hired by Turkey are: Goldin Solutions, Alpaytac, Finn Partners, Ferah Ozbek, and Golin/Harris International. According to US Justice Department records, Turkey pays these lobbying/public relations firms around $5 million a year. Furthermore, several US non-profit organizations serve as fronts for the Turkish government to promote its interests in the United States and take Members of Congress and journalists on all-expense paid junkets to Turkey.

Among the US lobbyists for Turkey, perhaps the most questionable is Porter Goss, CIA Director from 2004 to 2006, who has agreed to sell his soul and possibly US national secrets for a fistful of Turkish Liras.

It is noteworthy that in a report Mr. Goss filed with the Justice Department under the Foreign Agents Registration Act, he avoided answering the question regarding his compensation from the Turkish government. He simply wrote: “Salary not based solely on services rendered to the foreign principal [Turkey]”!

In the same form, filed on April 23, 2015, Mr. Goss described his services for Turkey as follows:

Provide counsel in connection with the extension and strengthening of the Turkish-American relationship in a number of key areas that are the subject of debate in Congress, including trade, energy security, counter-terrorism efforts, and efforts to build regional stability in the broader Middle East and Europe;
Educating Members of Congress and the Administration on issues of importance to Turkey;
Notifying Turkey of any action in Congress or the Executive Branch on issues of importance to Turkey;
Preparing analyses of developments in Congress and the Executive Branch on issues of importance to Turkey.

It is significant that Dickstein Shapiro LLP, Mr. Goss’s employer, misled the Justice Department, by reporting two days prior to the start of his employment and three days before the Armenian Genocide Centennial, that the former CIA Director had already met on behalf of his lobbying firm with nine members of Congress to discuss “US-Turkish relations.”

Most probably, hiring Porter Goss as a lobbyist for Turkey was a reward for his staunch support of Turkish issues, while serving as a Republican Congressman from Florida from 1989 to 2004. During the October 2000 debate on the Armenian Genocide resolution in the House International Relations Committee, Cong. Goss, the then Chair of the House Intelligence Committee, testified against the adoption of the resolution, using the excuse that it would harm US-Turkey relations. Nevertheless, the genocide resolution was adopted by a vote of 24 to 11.

It is bad enough that former Members of Congress are selling themselves to anyone who is willing to pay them. But, the Director of the CIA…? This is more than unethical; it is a grave risk to US national security. The American government must not allow the sale of its top spymaster to the highest bidder! What if North Korea offered him a higher price? Would Mr. Goss jump ship and lobby for an enemy state just to make a few more dollars?

Robert Fisk: The Syrian War has occupied Turkey

August 19, 2015 By administrator

BY GOZDE KAZAZ

From Agos

Senior Middle East correspondent for the Independent, Robert Fisk (Source: Agos)

ISTANBUL (Agos)—In a recent article, Robert Fisk, senior Middle East correspondent for the Independent, compared Turkey to Pakistan in the 1980s, and said that the recent air bombardment was no surprising given that all powers in the region have betrayed the Kurds. We spoke to Fisk both about the details of the matters he touches on in his article, and whether power balances have changed in the Middle East. Fisk says that Turkey has become a market place and when seen from this perspective there are more important issues at stake besides whether or not Turkey will enter the war in Syria. “I believe that Syria has started penetrating Turkey. Suruç is an example of this. From this view, the Syrian War but not the Syrians have occupied Turkey. It is not the reverse.”

What is the goal of the de facto safe zone on which Turkey and the U.S. are said to have agreed? It has been stated that it will be created to eliminate the presence of ISIL along the Turkish border. What does this zone mean for Turkey, the U.S., the Assad regime, and Kurdish armed forces?

There is talk about a safe zone, but I am not sure whether we know its purpose. It is obvious that Turkey’s defense strategy is against the PKK, and not ISIL. Is this something the U.S. expects? Or does the Turkish government really see the PKK as a greater threat than ISIL? There are many unanswered questions regarding the relation between Turkey and ISIL. The Foreign Ministry of Turkey names them as terrorists. But they have not found as answer to how it is that ISIL members are able to travel to Northern Syria through Turkey. We are talking about thousands of people. How did they travel there? Yes borders can be long, but you can still protect them. Israel protects its borders. Syria protects its borders. Jordan protects its borders regardless of ISIL. But for some reason Turkey, despite its huge army force, is unable to prevent thousands of Islamist militants from entering Syria. Let’s take the example of the area along the Syrian border where the Shah İsmail shrine is located. After ISIL had taken over this area, for a long period the Turkish army became present there to protect the shrine. Then they left the region without any problem. One soldier died, but I believe it was because of an accident. How was such an agreement reached? Hence the real question is not whether there will be a safe zone or not, but about what kind of a relation there really is between Turkey and ISIL.

The trucks filled with weapons that were stopped at the border last year made it most evident that the Turkish government is supporting ISIL militants. Following news of this event, the UN stated: “We do not support sending weapons to groups fighting in Syria.” The international media also covered the subject. What do you think, is it still seen as an issue?

In many ways, Turkey is playing the role of poor and corrupt Pakistan in the 1980s. Pakistan was used in the war against Afghanistan. Similarly, Turkey is being used in the war against Syria. This is the real threat for Turkey. The real threat for Turkey is not about ISIL or the Kurds, but about being used. Whether or not related to national interests, when a state permits its use by other states that is when the real threat begins. I am not saying that Turkey is under threat. Turkey is a strong and large country. But I think that Turkey has become involved in matters that it may not be able to control in the future. You can create the mujahedeen in Afghanistan and then suddenly the mujahedeen turn into Al Qaida and you will say, “What? Was this my fault?” Yes, this was your fault. The U.S. created Bin Laden. I had visited Bin Laden in the camp where he lived. The CIA had built these camps. And then guided missiles shot these “secret camps.” Yet they weren’t at all a secret. The CIA built them. Who builds the camps in the area controlled by ISIL? Who built the camps for Al Nusra? Who built the control centers of the Revolutionary Army?

On the other hand, what can be said about that famous story of the “moderate resistance” (which was going to be part of the train and equip program)? A Syrian government representative had told me, “Have you ever seen a moderate carrying a gun?” Good point! I am not a supporter of the Syrian government; but the problem is that I don’t believe there is a moderate resistance either, I never did. Already we are hearing how Al Nusra is kidnapping the moderate members of the Free Syrian Army. CIA agents got involved. Of course they will be kidnapped. It was probably expected. I wonder how much was paid?

And about the media aspect of the problem, reporters believe in much that is said by officials, ministers and police. Rather than saying, “Wait a minute, is this real?” they just believe it. Amira Hass, who is a great journalist working for the Haaretz and a close friend, she always says, “The job [of] a foreign correspondent is the observance of centers of power.” And what she means by observation is watching with an eagle eye. But we are not able to do this. Normally what us journalists do is to say the Foreign Minister stated this, ISIL issued this video, John Kerry said this. This sounds like an opera where different parts are sang in different tones. The audience may like this or not. But real journalism entails saying “Wait a minute, I don’t believe this.”

According to the statement issued by the U.S. Defense Ministry, the unmanned combat aerial vehicles belonging to the U.S. were sent into air from the Incirlik Air Base following last weekend. What do you think about the agreement made between Turkey and the U.S. regarding Incirlik?

You can fly an aerial vehicle from any place. Technically you do not need Incirlik.

But this Incirlik agreement is an odd situation. I can’t really see any logic. Turkey’s military action until now shows more motivation to fight the PKK as opposed to ISIL. And it seems that the PKK is shooting its own leg by killing innocent police and soldiers. But Turkey knew what it was doing when it was bombing PKK bases in Northern Iraq. What needs to be remembered about Turkey that it is a state with an independent spirit. This is not a coincidence. All forces of the United Nations, when Western Forces were fighting in Korea, the only military force whose brain had not been washed by North Korea and China belonged to the Turks. In 2003, when the U.S. thought that Turkey would allow their occupation of Iraq and even the marine troops had arrived in Izmir, the Turkish parliament said “No.” This was no coincidence. The reality is that Turkey said “no” to George W. Bush. The matter that I politically suspect here is that Turkey was using the U.S. They can collaborate; they can act a step ahead and get what they want. This might be ok in the short run, but in the long run it is not.

What needs to be taken into consideration is that Turkey now is taking the role of a canal. When you take that role, you become a market place. Like being a market place for weapons. You will purchase a weapon, you will pass the Syrian border and then you will have a check, you will sell it to the person who pays the highest price. Because you have a family to feed, you will not care from which country the weapon is sold. We keep talking about Turkey’s power over Syria, and its relation to Syria. I believe that Syria has started penetrating Turkey. Suruç is an example of this. From this view, the Syrian War but not the Syrians have occupied Turkey. It is not the reverse.

In one of your pieces for the Independent, you wrote the Kurds in the Middle East, “were born to be betrayed.” And you wrote that the recent aerial attacks by Turkey were no surprise.

One of the goals of the First World War was to destroy the Ottoman State. This has been forgotten in Western historiography. We believe that the Turks joined the Central Powers as if wanting to commit suicide. And because they were enemies they had to be defeated. However, one of the goals of the war was to destroy the Ottoman State. And this is reflected in the “sick man of Europe” discourse. Hence we forget that we actually did not want the presence of the Turkish State. We wanted an Armenian State, a Kurdish State, a Palestinian State. But we did nothing to protect the Turks, because they were enemies.

We forget how in the final years of the Ottoman State the Suez Canal was built, that people in Istanbul played piano and made paintings. They wanted to be like us. But we ruined them. I guess we did not want these people. We did not want them to be members of Western Civilization. After the First World War, we had the chance to instate a real European Civilization through just states and just borders. We had borders. There were British and French borders between Jordan, Palestine, Iran, Syria and Lebanon. But the Kurds, Armenians, and Palestinians, or those people who demanded a state and were mistreated did not get borders. And this is why we have the Kurdish issue. It is because of the great injustice that took place at a time when the world was seeking justice. We did this, because at the end of the day the world did not really care what happened to the people. There is use in reading again the Wilson Principles, they are closely associated with today.

What changed in Iran’s Middle East policy following the nuclear agreement?

I believe that the nuclear agreement is a sign that U.S. policy has changed. After giving support to Sunni groups for years, the U.S. has now reached an agreement with Iran. In some ways, it has changed its direction away from Sunni states like Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Jordan and Egypt. What I have suspected for a long time is that the U.S. is looking for a police amidst the Gulf States. They found this in Iran during the period of Shah Reza Pehlevi’s ruling and called it a “peaceful government.” At that time when the Shah wanted nuclear weapons, no one said, “Oh my God Iran wants nuclear.” The first nuclear plant was built in this period. There was no reason to believe that Iran wanted to become a major nuclear power. There is only one nuclear power in the Middle East and that is Israel. We know that technologically everyone can make a bomb. You can put it in a bag and carry it with you. Of course no state will want another to have nuclear power. We know that India has nuclear power, so does the radical Islamic state of Pakistan. But everyone is focused on Iran. Why? I think the U.S. has realized that the Iranian leadership is politically more logical compared to that of the other Arab states. Iran has a distinctive and peculiar governing system; but I guess the U.S. thought that there is room for negotiation.

How important is the role of ISIL in Middle Eastern oil trade?

If you want to run a state you need money. But not that much. In order to manage the kind of military operations carried out by the Taliban, Al Qaida, and now ISIL, I don’t think you need that much money. Yes you need thousands of dollars, but not millions. The people living in ISIL controlled areas are not richer than those where they are not in control. I don’t think ISIL has significant financial resources.

Interview: Vicken Cheterian: ‘Kurds replaced the Armenians’

August 18, 2015 By administrator

14:26, August 18, 2015

Journalist and historian Vicken Cheterian wrote a book which assesses the effects of Armenian genocide on global politics, academic research, Kurdish question, Turkish and Armenian societies during the process that has been going on for 100 years. Focusing mainly on the post genocide period, Open Wounds: Armenians, Turks, and a Century of Genocide considers Hrant Dink’s assassination as a milestone.

There are lots of books that tell and teach many things to you, but a book that can change the way you perceive and speed up the healing process of the society is a rare thing. Switzerland based journalist Vicken Cheterian’s newly published book Open Wounds: Armenians, Turks, and a Century of Genocide is a work that could trigger some radical changes. Chetarian considers the genocide as an event that still plays a role in today’s social and political environment, rather than a tragedy that happened in the past. And he emphasizes that this crime inflicts deep wounds not only locally, but also globally.

Putting forth that the genocide still continues with denial and the legitimization of crime and usurpation, Cheterian points out that there is 1915 behind many conflicts that is important for humanity, occurring not only in these lands but also in the whole world, such as democratization of Turkey, relations between Armenia and Turkey, Nagorno-Karabakh question and Kurdish question. And he emphasizes the importance of contending the genocide in order to “fight with the dark forces”. We got together with Chetarian and talked about the hundred years of the Armenian genocide; we asked him to evaluate some striking points in the book for the readers of Agos.

In your book on the process that has been going on since the Armenian genocide, you consider Hrant Dink’s assassination as a milestone. Why is that?

I never had the idea of writing such a book. Because reading about the Armenian genocide was very painful to me. Now I realize that I tried to avoid this history for very long time. Both of my parents were born in Turkey and I was born in Beirut and I grew up during the war. In this context, I didn’t want to be associated with the people who had been massacred, deported, whose culture and civilization was destroyed. Each time I tried to read memoirs, I really suffered.

The idea of this book came from my publisher in London. We were discussing about my previous book and then he asked me: “Why don’t you write something about the genocide?” I answered spontaneously: “I don’t know how to write about the genocide, because there are a lot of good books on it. But what I want to do is to write about post-genocide period and what the humanity has done with this heritage.”

Then I realized that this subject is very much related to the current situation in Turkey. For years, I had been following –and personally knowing– people like Taner Akçam, Ragıp Zarakolu and Hrant Dink. In this book, I wanted to discover what made the subject of genocide come into prominence. Why did the intellectuals in Turkey or some people suddenly discover that this subject is very important for them? What were the changes in Turkey that brought back this subject about Ottoman Armenians and the way they were destroyed? And why did it take this long? Which conditions caused the Turkish intellectuals, artists and poets, who were aware that something was missing in their country, to keep silent till 2000s?

I started the book not with the assassination of Hrant Dink but with his funeral, which made all these people walk in the street shouting “I am Hrant, I am Armenian.” I consider this as a revolution in the public opinion in Turkey.

There is another question I am asking; when there is a crime in a village, a country or a society, what happens next if people pretend that this crime didn’t happen? Does the crime disappear? What happens to the criminal and the victim? I am trying to look at the effects of this crime. At the beginning, I thought that I would be focusing mainly on the Armenians. The crime, which has not been recognized, is keeping them in the victim position for decades. We know when the Armenian genocide started, but we don’t know when it’s finished because it is not recognized yet. But in the end, what really amazed me was to discover how much this subject affects Turkey.

You talk about a kind of awakening of the intellectuals in Turkey. Perhaps Hrant Dink’s assassination is one of the most important events that triggered it. Do you think that the public followed these intellectuals as opinion leaders?

The first chapter of the book is about Hrant Dink. He really changed the public opinion in Turkey about the question of Armenians. Hrant Dink is also very important, because he is the first Armenian in Turkey after 1915, who claimed his position in the society as an Armenian intellectual. He wanted to talk freely about what he thinks and feels about this question instead of hiding. At the same time, he was very careful. He was aware of the red lines in Turkey. But once he assumed this role, he had to go beyond those red lines, which eventually led his assassination.

I think Hrant Dink is a historical figure, because he did something that no one else has ever dared to do. But then, there are also other people such as Ragıp Zarakolu, Taner Akçam and Hasan Cemal. Ragıp Zarakolu is very important, because for many years, he published books and created a field in Turkey where scholars, historians, intellectuals could talk about this issue. Even if people were against his ideas, they still had to react to the body of literature he created.

Another important character is Taner Akçam. He is the first Turkish scholar who dedicates himself to a research on Armenian genocide. I wanted to see what made or enabled Taner Akçam chose this way.

Hasan Cemal is symbolically very important, because he comes from the side of perpetrators –the people who took the decision to kill the whole ethnic group. Why did Hasan Cemal decide to write his book called ‘1915: Armenian Genocide’? How did his intellectual journey bring him there? I think those people are the pioneers. With their courage, they triggered a change. But we didn’t reach the end of this journey.

You also point out the silence of the Armenian society in Turkey and mention how this situation has been changing. Not only the Turkish society, but also the attitude of Armenian people is changing…

There are different types of silences among the Armenians. There is the traditional Armenian diaspora, which was silent for 50 years, till 1965. This silence was not only caused by their trauma, but also by the fact that no one was ready to listen to them yet. There were censored. For example, Franz Werfel’s book ‘The Forty Days of Musa Dagh’ was going to be a Hollywood movie in 1930s. But as a result of the pressure of Turkish government, the Hollywood studio that bought the rights eventually gave up shooting the movie. The Armenian diaspora who survived the genocide was not able to talk to anyone about it; they could have only talked to each other. I think Armenians are very vocal about the genocide now, because they were silenced for 50 years.

On the other hand, in the Soviet Union, there was another kind of silence, because Stalin repressed the memory of genocide. As a leader criminal himself, he didn’t want it to be commemorated, talked about and researched in his empire. There was also a strong alliance between the Soviet Union and Kemalist movement. Kemalist movement used to receive money, arms and weapons from the Soviet Union to fight against the French and British troops.

Finally, there is a longer silence within Turkey. Even within Turkey, there are different silences. Silence of the Armenians in Istanbul is different than the silence of the Armenians in Bitlis, Diyarbakır, Antep, and Islamized Armenians from the countryside of Anatolia. Now, there are a handful of people who are coming out and reclaiming their old Armenian identity and we don’t know how this process will evolve in the future.

In relation to this issue, you mention the Armenian origins of people in Hemşin, Rize in your book. In your opinion, how will revealing this kind of alternative narratives about the past affect the process?

Now, the process of democratization of Turkey and breaking down the wall of silence goes hand in hand. These people who were silenced for years will gradually come to light and reclaim their Armenian identity. However, it should be pointed out that they follow different path while doing that. For instance, I didn’t only reclaim the Armenian heritage in Diyarbakır and Gaziantep, but also I met with people who returned to Armenian Apostolic Church. Another group was researching their Armenian origins, but didn’t abandon Islam. In addition to this, there are people in Hemşin living in the highland of Northern Anatolia who protected their native language Armenian, though they were converted to Islam in 17th century. Even though they don’t want to convert to Christianity, their awareness about their Armenian past and cultural origin increases. And this is an extraordinary situation that defies the totalitarian ideology that repressed this nation during the dark 20th century.

What is happening in Turkey in 2015, the 100th year of genocide? What do you observe?

I think Turkey has moved forward, but it is still hesitating. Turkey will provide the justice when it feels ready. Once Turkey starts to respect its own citizens, then it will also be able to show respect to its former citizens that were systematically murdered. But Turkey is not there yet. It has moved away from the Kemalist model, but we don’t know where it’s going now.

The genocide doesn’t linger in the past; it is still with us. Although it happened 100 years ago, we haven’t got over this experience. Turkey accepts that something happened and there were victims. In April 2014, Prime Minister Erdoğan expressed his condolences to Armenians and this was the first time that a Turkish official recognized the sufferings of the Armenians. But still, it was a very strange way to recognize this, because the soldiers who died because they fought against each other or the murderers were put in the same position as the victims of the genocide. The act of killing can be either legitimate or a crime. I think the prime minister had failed to make a distinction between the crime and fight between the soldiers. Up to now, the Turkish officials have not taken the responsibility of the genocide.

Also the Turkish society has not reached the point to recognize that what happened in 1915 is important not only for the Armenians, but also for Turkey in general. Today, it is important to Armenians, Turks and Kurds in different ways. For Armenians, it is a matter of recognition and by stopping the pain, having a symbolic justice. Because genocide is so enormous that, there is no way for real justice. But for Turkey, it is a question of democracy. You cannot have democracy in this country, if the state considers massacring 100 thousand people and taking their property as legitimate. There can’t be rule of law in such a society.

What do you think is the next step for Turkey?

I think different power groups will recognize the importance of the genocide of Assyrians and Pontic Greeks along with the Armenian genocide in 1915. It is important not just for Armenians, Kurds and Turks but also for the humanity, because the global political culture has suffered enormously from this event. The level of our political has really dropped away. If we don’t recognize and attain the knowledge about what happened in the past, we will not be able to fight against those dark forces in all societies. So, in the next decade, we have to come together and figure out how we can fight together against those crimes that were committed in the past and will be committed in the future.

You think that the solution of problems with the Armenians is closely related to the problem with Kurds. There is a chapter in your book that is titled “Kurds: From Perpetrator to Victim”. In this chapter, you also write that the regions that the Armenians once lived became Kurdish territories in the historical context. Could we elaborate on that, considering the current political situation of the Kurdish Movement in Turkey?

I think this issue is related to the democratization and closely related to the Kurdish question in Turkey. It is also related to the relationship between Armenia and Turkey, and Nagorno-Karabakh question. When you dig deep enough, you find out that 1915 has been there and it has played a very negative role in all these issues. By fighting for the recognition of 1915, we also fight against this culture of justifying crimes against humanity.

The Kurdish question in Turkey emerged right after the destruction of Assyrians and Armenians that lived in the southeast region of Turkey. And this shows that the problems cannot be solved by resorting to violence, because violence creates a crime culture and leads to more suffering. There is a somewhat metaphysical aspect of Kurdish history: in 1915, they were perpetrators and they became victims in 1920. In many respects, Kurds replaced the Armenians. Even their demographical features are parallel to that of Ottoman Armenians. For instance, half of the society lives in the poorer east and the other half lives in the metropolis in the west. Today, Kurds are in the quest of rule of law instead of discrimination, just like the Armenians were in 19th century. The Armenians have lost in 1915, because their demand for reform was responded by destruction. I hope that the Kurds won’t be facing the same threat and become one of the main forces in the process of democratization of Turkey.

Agos