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Istanbul the Capital of assassination, 21 unsolved murders in last 12 months

March 8, 2015 By administrator

By FAZLI MERT / ISTANBUL

citizen of Turkmenistan was found dead on Saturday night in İstanbul's Beyoğlu neighborhood. (Photo: Cihan)

citizen of Turkmenistan was found dead on Saturday night in İstanbul’s Beyoğlu neighborhood. (Photo: Cihan)

There have been 21 unsolved murders and assassinations in the last 12 months in Istanbul, bringing the issue of security in Turkey’s most crowded city back to the agenda.

Sources within the police say that the prevalence of unsolved murders and shootings has increased ever since thousands of police officers were reassigned or dismissed from their duties after a major corruption and bribery investigation that implicated some high-ranking state officials and pro-government businessmen on Dec. 17 of 2013.

The same sources also claim that the security vacuum that was created after the reshuffle of police officers following the probe is the main reason behind the fact that İstanbul has been hit by increasing numbers of unsolved murders and deaths. The sources add that experienced police officers were replaced with ineffective and inexperienced officers as part of the witch hunt being conducted by the government against officers allegedly linked with the Gülen movement — also known as the Hizmet movement — inspired by the teachings of Turkish Islamic scholar Fethullah Gülen. The government has been conducting a large-scale defamation campaign against the movement by accusing it of being behind the major corruption probe.

Some of the unsolved murders that have taken place in İstanbul in the last 12 months are listed below.

In the latest murder incident, a citizen of Turkmenistan was found killed in his house in the Beyoğlu neighborhood of İstanbul on Saturday night. The man, who was identified as “Aslan” by his neighbors, was found lying in a pool of blood when the police found his body. The police have launched an investigation to find the perpetrators.

In a recent high-profile incident, an outspoken critic of Tajik President Emomali Rahmon was killed by an unknown assailant on a street in İstanbul’s Fatih district on Thursday night. Umarali Kuvatov had been living in exile in Turkey and was the head of the Group 24 opposition movement. Kuvatov was shot once in his head. The unknown attacker, who witnesses said was wearing a balaclava, fled the scene, Turkish media reported on Friday.

The İstanbul Police Department’s anti-terrorism unit and homicide unit have been jointly handling the investigation into the killing of 47-year-old Kuvatov, who had been eating dinner at a house in the area before the killing. Kuvatov was already dead when medics arrived at the scene, and police then searched the area for evidence.

Kuvatov’s “Gruppa 24” movement was declared an “extremist organization” and banned by Tajikistan’s Supreme Court last October. Tajik law enforcement authorities wanted him for a number of crimes, including extremism, corruption and hostage-taking, but Turkey had declined to extradite him. This murder was reminiscent of the recent murder of two Chechens and an Uzbek citizen in İstanbul.

Abdullah Buhari (38), known as “the Uzbek imam,” was killed on Dec. 11, 2014 in front of the building of the İhsan Scientific Services and Fraternal Association in İstanbul’s Zeytinburnu district where he was giving religious classes. The perpetrators have not still been found, despite three months having passed.

Kaim Saduev, who had fought against Russia in the Chechen region, died in suspicious circumstances on Feb. 28, 2014 when he became sick after eating food sent by his relatives. According to media reports, the relatives sent a parcel of food to Saduev, who was living with his family in İstanbul’s Başakşehir district. Family members became sick on Feb. 28 and Kaim Saduev died in an ambulance on the way to hospital that evening. Saduev’s wife and child, who were also poisoned, survived.

In yet another incident, Vedat Şahin, the brother of suspected gang leader Sedat Şahin, his friend Ferdi Topal and Şahin’s bodyguard Evren Aydın were shot by unidentified individuals while walking in İstanbul’s affluent Nişantaşı neighborhood on Dec. 24, 2014. The gunmen fired automatic rifles, according to witnesses.

In another shooting incident in the city, Ali Ekber Akgün, a real-estate company owner, was shot multiple times by two unidentified assailants while he was waiting at a red light in his car in İstanbul’s Sarıyer district, again on Dec. 24, 2014. According to witness reports, two people got out of the car behind Akgün and fired bullets through the windshield. After shooting Akgün, the two men fled the scene in their vehicle. Akgün was taken to the hospital, where he died.

Former Motherland Party (ANAP, now ANAVATAN) deputy Adnan Yıldız was attacked by two armed men in İstanbul’s Bakırköy district on the morning of April 15 in a shooting incident in which his wife and daughter as well as one of the attackers were killed, while Yıldız, his son and the other assailant were injured and taken to hospital. Yıldız and his family had just entered their car, which was parked outside their home, at 9 a.m. when two men on a motorbike with no license plate started shooting at them. Yıldız’s relatives, who were also present at the scene, fired shots back at the attackers, killing one of them. No identity documents were found on the assailants.

More than 400 police officers have been detained nationwide since July 22 of last year. These officers had carried out major operations in the Dec. 17, Ergenekon and Sledgehammer cases as well as operations against the Iran-backed Tawhid-Salam group (also known as Tevhid-i Selam or the Jerusalem Army) and the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). Many of them were later released by the courts because there was no evidence they had participated in criminal activity.

Filed Under: Articles Tagged With: assassination, İstanbul, Turkey

Turkey ’Caliphate conference’ held in İstanbul

March 4, 2015 By administrator

Caliphate conference’ held in İstanbul

Caliphate conference’ held in İstanbul

A “caliphate conference” organized by a magazine named “Radical Change” took place in İstanbul on Tuesday, with executives of the outlawed fundamentalist organization Hizb ut-Tahrir (Party of Liberation) in attendance as speakers.

Members of Hizb ut-Tahrir from across Turkey and other countries participated the event, which marked the 92nd anniversary of the abolition of the caliphate.

The conference held in the Bağlarbaşı Cultural Center in the Üsküdar district saw a dispute over posters of Atatürk — the founder of the Turkish Republic — that were hung on the venue’s walls.

Mehmet Pabak, one of the speakers, defended the idea of caliphate and criticized the Atatürk posters hung on the walls of the hall. He said: “Even the existence of caliphate itself used to be a means for all Muslims to stand in unity. They did not have tolerance for this. They had the caliphate revoked, leading to a separation. Even when we are talking about this, we cannot be absolved from the shadow of those who revoked the caliphate. There are pictures of him on both sides [of the hall]. I am addressing the mayoral administrations that impose this: These halls do not belong to your fathers. They were built with taxes you took from us. Hence, these places should be neutral. But, the cruelty is pursued. This is the pressure from the official ideology.”

Other speakers also mentioned the Atatürk posters and stated that the organizers had argued with the manager of the hall over the posters but he refused to remove them.

Ahmet Kalkan, another speaker, likened weekly ceremonies at schools, in which the national anthem is sang in front of Atatürk statues to “Muslims being forced into idolatry.”

During the event, Mahmut Kar, one of the Hizb ut-Tahrir executives, responded to questions from reporters. Kar was asked a question about alleged links between the radical group and the Ergenekon terrorist organization, which is accused of planning a military coup against the government. In response, Kar said: “The efforts to associate the Hizb ut-Tahrir with Ergenekon had a certain logic. Hizb ut-Tahrir was presenting the society with its view of Islam. Meanwhile, others presented the ideas of moderate Islam, the alliance of civilizations and dialogue between religions. The youth of Hizb ut-Tahrir inflicted atrocities. More than 500 of them were jailed over the past 12 years. At the moment, cases against 200 of them are being handled by the Supreme Court of Appeals. A total of 900 years of prison sentence is sought for these 200 people.”

Kar also made anti-Semitic remarks, slamming President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and the current government for Turkey’s large trade volume with Israel.

Filed Under: Articles Tagged With: Caliphate, Conference, İstanbul

Turkey: “Khojaly an excuse to incite ethnic hatred”

February 23, 2015 By administrator

incite ethnic hatred

incite ethnic hatred

On February 20, the Turkish Association for Human Rights issued a statement in response to anti-Armenian demonstration planned for February 22 in Istanbul, operating under the banner “demonstrations condemning the Khojaly genocide and the Armenian Terror.” The Association of Human Rights sent a petition to the governor of Istanbul before the event, which has already caused a rise in anti-Armenian sentiments with graffiti saying: “You are all Armenians, all bastards, “spray painted on the walls of a church in Istanbul.

Here are some excerpts from the statement:

Khojaly: An excuse to incite ethnic hatred against Armenians in Turkey

February 19, 2015, the Association of Human Rights presented the governor of Istanbul a petition warning officials that “demonstrations condemning the Khojaly genocide and the Armenian Terror”, to be held in Kadıköy, Istanbul, February 22, were intended to incite ethnic hatred from the time they have been pre-announced.

The events are organized by the reformist Youth Association of Azerbaijan, with the support of the Turkish youth branches Homes and platform Turanian Movement.

As our petition to the governorate reported by activists of the Movement Platform Turanian publish public screens, including graffiti, banners and posters in central locations in Istanbul. In the statement they distribute in stores and that we attach to this petition, they incite violence marking the militants fighting against racism as “terrorists”. People who somehow remain “unidentified” write racist graffiti, such as “you’re either Turkish or Bastards” or “You are all Armenians, All bastards” on the walls of the church of Kadıköy in more put flags representing the ultra-nationalist symbol (mythical wolf).

The protesters chanted “You are all Armenians, You are all bastards” during the protests for Khojali on Taksim Square February 26, 2012.

The demonstrators chanted: “You are all Armenians, you are all bastards”, during the Khojali events in Taksim Square on February 26, 2012.

Khojaly is a pretext for the real purpose of inciting ethnic hatred and hostility against Armenians in Turkey, as observed globally over the Khojaly events to Taksim Square February 26, 2012. Before the eyes of the Minister of Interior, the same place where he was giving a speech, protesters held banners where you could read: “You are all Armenians, you are all bastards,” while shouting slogans hate against Armenians.

The corrupt and shady cooperation between Azerbaijan and Turkey therefore comes forward: The organizers are able to threaten their regimes for February 22 because they have no doubt that the officials of the Republic of Turkey go their providing an endless tolerance.

In the petition, we presented the case, we reminded the governor that racism displayed both during demonstrations in 2012 and during the preparation phase of the demonstrations of February 22 for “Condemn Armenian terrorism” constitutes a crime Under Article 216 of the Turkish Penal Code for “public humiliation or incitement to hatred and enmity.” We also stressed that incitement to racist violence violates Article 14 of the European Convention of Human Rights Rights, which prohibits discrimination.

We asked the Governor’s Office take preventive measures against slogans, writings, banners, and incentive threats to ethnic hatred or enmity; that in cases where they occur, all the mechanisms of judicial procedures are activated immediately after the protests, and that the state fulfills its responsibilities with greater efficiency.

(…)

The so-called NGOs of the state of Azerbaijan, where opposition journalists are left rotting in prison and honest public intellectuals are left with threats to life via a lynching, we ask: What are you in Turkey? What business brings you to Istanbul? No one believes you weep for those killed in Khojaly; It is not in their memory as you fight. You come to Turkey to support the anti-Armenian and threaten Armenians in Turkey, which has no connection with Khojaly.

A word to the hate mongers in Turkey, which joined forces with anti-Armenian Azerbaijani: Stop your lies. Khojaly is not about you. this was never Khojaly interest. Your true intention is to intimidate the Armenians of Turkey and all non-Turkish, non-Muslim peoples and exacerbate their precarious existence.

The words, “Long live Turkey racist,” spray painted on a church wall in Kadikoy. (Photo: Murad Mihci / Nor Zartonk)

The very existence of human rights is justified by the cause of resistance and struggle against the atrocities and persecutions in Turkey and in the world. However, it will remain once the defenders of human rights to fight against those who exploit the horrors and pain of the victims for their own purposes exercise of racist violence across borders.

We, human rights defenders, invite all to unite as one body against racism, racial violence, discrimination and hatred, to show that you are alone in your projects, to isolate yourself in society, and put you in front of the public conscience.

We remind officials, once again, they will be held accountable for the public display of ethnic hatred, bloody cases are still too fresh in our memory.

Human Rights Association, Istanbul Branch

Committee against Racism and Discrimination

Monday, February 23, 2015,

Stéphane © armenews.com

Filed Under: Articles Tagged With: Armenian, ethnic, hatred, İstanbul, khojaly

Turks in the dark of their past – Arsine Khanjian

February 20, 2015 By administrator

Canadian-Armenian actress Arsine Khanjian

Canadian-Armenian actress Arsine Khanjian

Canadian-Armenian actress Arsine Khanjian, who is now in Istanbul, Turkey to participate in the in the international independent film festival !f, has shared her impressions of the changes in the Turkish and Armenian societies, and the Armenia Diaspora.

“An episodic story focused on the Armenian Genocide is presented in Turkey, with Turks getting entangled when it comes to confronting the fact. I now see that it is very difficult,” she said, speaking to the Turkish-Armenian publication Agos.

The actress, who is on her fifth visit to Turkey and third visit to Istanbul, said she availed herself the opportunity to meet face-to-face with ethnic Turks trying to gain a better understanding of the motives behind the Turkish society’s behavior. “And I came to see that the Turks do not know a lot from history. Blamed for their past throughout their lives, they, as a matter of fact, have no idea about that past,” she noted.

Speaking of the Turkish-Armenians, the actress said she sees that they do not seem to have very great expectations. “Those in the diaspora know that the Armenians live in intimidation. The diaspora has lost touch with the Armenians in Turkey. We have lost our heritage, our people, language and culture, but we can maintain and continue the dialogue with the people residing here,” she added.

Asked about her expectations from the Genocide centennial commemoration, the actress replied, “The centennial events are for keeping history alight. So we’ll keep doing the same on the 101st anniversary. We have finally arrived at a point that makes our dialogue with the Turkish society possible. As early as 50 years ago, nobody would talk about the Genocide. But it isn’t so now. That is why I find the events important.”

As for the films dedicated to the Genocide topic, Khanjyan said she doesn’t think that it is possible at all to satisfy an Armenian audience’s expectations from such a serious topic as that. “They observed such a long silence over the Genocide that they are now at a point where the Armenian spectator does not know what he or she wishes to see in the movie. They want the film to tell them about everything. The Holocaust stories evolved after [the Second World] War, so the Jews did not need such a film. But the things were not arranged the same way for the Armenians. We weren’t able to address all the aspects of the Genocide, and now, gathering the stories in one place, we expect to have a movie about the Genocide. It isn’t feasible,” she noted.

Report tert.am

Filed Under: Articles, Genocide Tagged With: actress, Arsine-Khanjian, Canadian, Film, İstanbul

Forgotten life and work of Zabel Yessayan slowly coming to light

February 14, 2015 By administrator

By William Armstrong – william.armstrong@hdn.com.tr

Zabel Yessayan

Zabel Yessayan

The pioneering work of Zabel Yessayan, an Armenian author born in Ottoman Istanbul in 1878, was almost entirely forgotten after her death in the Soviet Union in the 1940s. Even in Armenia itself Yessayan remains little known today, though new translations of her work have recently been appearing in English.

Her memoir of growing up in late 19th century Istanbul, “The Gardens of Silihdar” is reviewed here, and the Hürriyet Daily News spoke to translator Jennifer Manoukian about Yessayan’s mysterious life and exceptional work.

Let’s start by giving a broad idea about the background and context in which she emerged, this broader ferment of changes in the Ottoman Armenian community in the 19th century. What were the drivers of this process?

It was a very exciting time for all nations in the Ottoman Empire. In the Armenian community the change was driven mostly by reformers – students who would become doctors, writers, lawyers – who went to study in Europe at the beginning of the Tanzimat period, in the 1840s and 1850s, and who returned to implement the trends they saw in Europe. So we see a big push for improving the education system, creating a periodical press, publishing books and reforming the language. Before this period, there hadn’t been much of a secular literary culture. The literate class was dominated mostly by the clergy, so there were few novels and newspapers being printed.

The reformers sought to transform society by making education and writing much more accessible. With this, the themes in literature expanded. The novel and the short story were adopted as literary forms, which reinforced the new vernacular literary language, different from the one used in the Church. It was a period of tremendous change, and the growing pains could still be felt as Yessayan was growing up in the 1880s and 1890s.

Yessayan herself was heavily involved in educational issues early on, from what I gather.

Definitely. She benefitted from an excellent education, which has a lot to do with her father who wasn’t part of this reform movement but who had adopted its ideals. He was committed to making sure his two daughters got the best possible education and he tutored them individually at home. He was the one who introduced them to the social issues that would shape Zabel’s consciousness—those that she would address later on in her writing.

So she had an informal education with him, then she went to the local Armenian school in Üsküdar, and eventually left for France, where she was one of the first Armenian and Ottoman women to go to Europe to study.

What was she doing in Paris? How old was she? How long does she spend there?

The memoir ends when she was 17. She was planning to write two more volumes of it, but she was arrested shortly after it was published and we don’t have the later manuscripts, which may explain why it cuts off so abruptly.

She left for Paris when she was 17, in 1895. In 1895, Armenian intellectuals feared that they would no longer be able to write and express themselves with as much freedom as they had before, because of Sultan Abdülhamid’s surveillance and censorship policies. Even though she was so young, she was involved in these intellectual circles, listening to these writers and activists, attending the same literary salons.

Her father became concerned that his daughter would also fall victim of Abdülhamid’s policies, so he sent her to Paris to study at the Sorbonne, where she would be protected from the political turmoil in the Ottoman Empire and would also have a chance to hone her craft and be exposed to new ideas. She already spoke French, so that wasn’t a problem. The family wasn’t wealthy enough to send her all expenses paid, so her father arranged for her to support herself by working as an editorial assistant on a project to create a new French-Armenian dictionary.

She arrived in Paris in 1895 and returned to Constantinople in 1902. During that time a lot of things changed in her life. She was gaining much more prominence in both French and Armenian circles. She got married. She was publishing much more readily. What I really admire about her is that she made an effort not only to write for the Armenian community, but also to expose the French community to Armenian literature. So from the very beginning she would translate from Armenian into French, and she would write review pieces and other articles that introduced the Armenian literary tradition to the French public.

I wondered more broadly about her family’s economic position, because it’s quite difficult to tell from the memoir.

It’s tough to say because she doesn’t really go into much detail. It’s an enigma. Her mother and her father’s families both seem to have been well-to-do. Her paternal grandfather was a judge, her maternal great-grandfather was a civil servant, and other relatives had ties to the palace. But her father was irresponsible with his money, which caused his family to dip into periods of financial hardship. They had some periods where there was a lot of tension relating to money. The mother and the three aunts also worked, but it did not seem to alleviate the burden. These financial issues would continue throughout her life; she was never a wealthy woman.

In the review I refer to Yessayan as a feminist, but apparently she was quite reluctant to use this term. Why?

We can only speculate that she was reluctant to identify as a women writer or as a feminist, because writing by Armenian women at the time wasn’t considered to be very serious; it was seen as more of a pastime for bourgeois women, who mostly wrote poetry in the romantic style. Yessayan used to say that they just wrote “frivolous” stories, which meant anything that wasn’t attacking social injustice. She never worked within the confines of the social norms established for women, she tried to shatter them and redefine them for herself. The other women writing at the time never broke into the inner circle of Armenian literature like she did.

Yes, she used the word “feminist” with a lot of disdain and seems to have understood feminists as women beholden to a kind of movement, rather than women fighting autonomously to achieve political and social equality. Dissociating herself from the feminist movement and the term “feminism” seems to be just another way for her to assert her independence of thought.

But she got along very well with like-minded women. She worked on planning what was called the Solidarity League of Ottoman Women, drafting this idea with other Turkish women around 1908, right after the constitution was declared. The idea was to try to create cohesion between women of different ethnic communities, working specifically on education. During this time she also had plans to create an Armenian school for girls, as well as another project to train women teachers to teach in Armenian schools in the provinces. But even though she was working towards all these goals for the advancement of women, she tried to distance herself from the term “feminist,” as many women still do today.

The memoir gives a classic image of introverted confessional communities with little crossover. To what extent was Yessayan involved in cross-communal links as she developed as an intellectual?

That’s a question that I’ve also asked myself. I’d be very intrigued to know if she was reading Turkish literature. We don’t even know if she had a strong handle on the Turkish language. But in the early years she wasn’t dealing too much with any intellectual activity beyond the Armenian and French communities. Later on she developed a number of allies, but these were all people who she met in Paris. She had ties to Prince Sabahaddin, who was one of Sultan Abdülhamid’s relatives but had fallen out of favor and fled in 1899. She also worked with Ahmed Rıza. But apart from that we don’t know too much about any inter-communal collaboration.

In the memoir she expresses a strong distaste for what she saw as the “romantic sentimentalism” that was the literary fashion of the time, in favor of a kind of rationalism.

From the very beginning, she adopted the style and themes of the realist movement that was gaining momentum in the 1890s. This could be because romantic sentimentalism was the genre that women would most often write in, so it was another way to emphasize her exceptionalism as an author, while also showing that women were capable of rational thought. She does make the movement her own, though, by introducing complex female protagonists in her novels and laying bare their thoughts, fears and concerns. This is the first, and practically the last, time in Western Armenian literature that we see such multidimensional female characters and plot lines that address the particular experiences of women. In “The Gardens of Silihdar” she doesn’t portray women in the best light. She doesn’t seem have much respect even for the women in her family, partly because they appear to be driven by their emotions rather than by the rational principles she espoused.

There’s a big difference in how she portrays her mother and father. Her father comes across very positively while her mother is the opposite. What was behind this?

She had a very turbulent relationship with her mother during her childhood. Partly because her mother was battling a severe form of depression and couldn’t really take care of her children.

But her father was the kind of person she wanted to become. He was well-read, well-travelled, and very literary minded. He was also very mentorly and never treated her like a child, which is something she talks about in the book. Even when she was 10 years old he would have conversations with her about politics and social inequity. He didn’t try to sugarcoat anything for her and always treated her like an adult, who was capable of understanding complex ideas.

We can see the effects of this in her writing. Even in her very early writing she has a maturity to her ideas and expression. Her father was the one who encouraged her to write. He was actually the one who encouraged her to write about the issues that women faced in Armenian society at that time. She commented that his open-mindedness was an anomaly at the time. Her friends who were struggling with fathers that wanted to push them into marriages were envious of her, because hers encouraged her to develop her intellect and pursue a life that wasn’t the expected route for women at the time.

She seems to have had an extremely peripatetic decade after leaving Istanbul. Can you talk a little about the circumstances of why she left the city, where she went, and how her work changed?

In 1915 she was one of the intellectuals targeted for arrest on April 24. That evening, the Ottoman authorities came to the house looking for her, but she was visiting friends at the time. Her family got word to her that she was being pursued, so she hid in a hospital in Üsküdar for two months before fleeing over the Bulgarian border. But when Bulgaria entered the First World War she had to flee again, and went to the territory that would become the Independent Republic of Armenia and then Soviet Armenia. She lived there for two years, collecting many accounts and testimonies of Armenians who had fled the massacres in the Ottoman Empire. That’s what occupied her time from 1916 to 1918 – she was furiously interviewing people, documenting them and translating them into French for publication in newspapers to raise awareness about the plight of the Armenians.

In 1919 she settled in France, where we see a huge shift in her politics. From 1922 on, she became an advocate of socialism and worked hard to convince Armenians in the diaspora that there was no hope for the Armenian nation outside of the Soviet Republic. Many of her writings after 1922 were colored by her politics. A lot of them are dismissed as propaganda pieces and not taken as seriously as the work she had written earlier. She visited Armenia in 1926 and wrote what she said was a travelogue, but was really just a way to lure diasporan Armenians into moving to Soviet Armenia. She edited a French Armenian newspaper with socialist leanings for a while and then eventually moved to Armenia in 1933, settling there for good. That’s where she wrote “The Gardens of Silihdar,” which was a complete departure in style and theme from her other writings post-1922.

After 1935 she was arrested on trumped up charges, imprisoned and sent to a labor camp. The last we hear of her is in 1942 from a prison in Baku.

It’s so ironic and tragic that she said Armenians could only thrive in Soviet Armenia, but then ended up a victim of Stalin’s Great Purge. What were the accusations against her?

The charges were subversion. It had happening to a handful of Ottoman Armenian intellectuals who had settled in Soviet Armenia and who were writing these kinds of memoirs and accounts. The authorities feared they would incite the Armenian community to glorify a history that was pre-Soviet. But it’s all very secretive. Very little research has been done into this period.

February/14/2015

 

Filed Under: Articles, Interviews Tagged With: forgotten, İstanbul, life, ottoman, Zabel-Yessayan

Istanbul Film Fest to feature Parajanov’s “Color of Pomegranates”

February 10, 2015 By administrator

Vartanov/Parajanov

Photo © M. Vartanov/Parajanov-Vartanov Institute’

Armenian director Sergei Parajanov’s Color of Pomegranates will go on screen in Turkey as part of the Istanbul Independent Film Festival.

The cultural event, entitled İf , will run from 26 February to March 1. The films included in the program will be presented in the town of Izmir and capital Ankara.

Mehmet Acar, a publicist of Haberturk, strongly recommended “Color of Pomegranate” among 10 films worth watching, Tert.am reports.

“The 1968 movie follows the life of the 18th century Armenian poet and musician Sayat Nova. The movie, which has become a source of inspiration for many directors, is today considered classics. Banned in the Soviet Union in 1969, the film is now accessible to fans, newly reconstructed by Martin Scorsese’s Film Foundation,” he said.

Related links:

Tert.am: Փարաջանովի «Նռան գույնը» կցուցադրվի Թուրքիայում

Filed Under: Articles Tagged With: film-fest, İstanbul, parajanov

Historic Cemetery Returned to Armenians in Istanbul

February 4, 2015 By administrator

MEZARLIKISTANBUL—The Armenian community of Turkey has won a legal battle for the ownership of a historic cemetery in Istanbul in the latest success story for the return of properties seized from minorities in the wake of legal amendments, the Daily Sabah reports.

The Turkish Prime Ministry’s Directorate General of Foundations, which oversees properties belonging to religious and ethnic minorities, has handed over the title deed for an ancient Armenian cemetery in Istanbul’s central Şişli district to an Armenian church organization.

Following new laws requiring the return of properties to their rightful owners, Beyoğlu Üç Horan (Yerrortutyun or Trinity) Church Foundation had applied to the Directorate in 2011 for the ownership of the cemetery. After four years and a settlement of legal matters, the Directorate granted ownership to the foundation for the cemetery, which covers some 41,950 square meters in the heart of Istanbul.

The cemetery’s history dates back to the 19th century in which a Sultan’s decree ordered its handover to the Armenian community. In the 1930s, its ownership was transferred to the Istanbul Municipality. Yet, Armenian families were allowed to bury their deceased next of kin in the cemetery even though they had no official deeds for the plots.

Among the cemetery’s notable occupants are Arman Manukyan, a notable professor of economy from Boğaziçi University, opera singer Toto Karaca, composer Onno Tunç, Armenian patriarchs, and Armenian lawmaker Berç Keresteciyan Türker, who is known for his contributions to the Turkish War of Independence.

The place is the latest property that the Armenian community has obtained back after their confiscation by the state. In 2012, the Directorate General of Foundations had returned the title deed of the Armenian Catholic Cemetery in Şişli to the community and a valuable plot in Zeytinburnu district to Yedikule Surp Pergich Hospital Foundation.

Foundations set up by non-Muslim minorities were granted the right to acquire properties in 1912 but a new law in 1935 ordered them to declare the properties they owned and register their title deeds. In 1936, a list of entire properties owned by minorities was handed to the Directorate General of Foundations and minorities were prevented from acquiring any property other than those in the list, thanks to an unofficial ban that was viewed as the state’s hostility towards minorities who were treated as “second-class” citizens. In 1976, the Turkish Supreme Court of Appeals had effectively enforced the ban and also ordered the return of properties minorities had acquired until that year. Soon, countless plots and buildings, especially in upscale districts of Istanbul, were handed to the Treasury after their seizure from Greek and Armenian communities.

Markar Esayan, a columnist for Daily Sabah, says minorities have suffered from “illegal policies” of the state-run foundations authority that exploited legal loopholes. “Until [2008], they suffered at the hands of fascistic measures,” he says, referring to the year that an amendment in the relevant laws “helped the state to repair its past mistakes.”

“Laws in the past dealt a blow to the self-sustainability of the churches whose survival solely depended on schools, hospitals and other sources of revenues,” Esayan says. He noted that a series of decrees helped minorities to regain their rights in terms of return of properties. “Currently, properties returned constitute 10 percent of the total properties supposed to be returned. Nevertheless, it is a very important, democratic step that the state stopped seeing minorities as enemies,” Esayan says. He said that minorities complain of several technical shortcomings in laws regarding church foundations that sometimes complicate the procedure of returning the properties. “The rate of returns is not sufficient. Yet, what matters more now is a change in the mindset, a very radical change (in the view of minorities by the state),” he says.

Associate Professor Toros Alcan, chairman of Armenian community’s Surp Haç Tibrevank Foundation and board member of Directorate General of Foundations, says the return of properties was “what the minorities yearned for decades.” “I can safely say on behalf of minorities that we are very happy with decisions to return the properties,” Alcan says. He said what then prime minister and incumbent president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan once said, “It is not a blessing by the state for minorities but rather a resumption of their rights.”

Filed Under: Articles, Genocide Tagged With: Armenian Church, Historic, İstanbul, returned

Turks desecrate grave of Armenian architect who built Istanbul

January 23, 2015 By administrator

grave-istanbultThe tombstone of renowned Armenian architect Garabet Balyan, who was the creator of Istanbul’s best historical structures, was found at a construction site.

The tombstone of Balyan, who was the architect of the Dolmabahce Palace which is a symbol of Istanbul, was discovered in a construction area in Istanbul’s Kartal district, reported Agos Armenian bilingual weekly of Istanbul.

The persons in charge at the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality, however, did not respond to Agos’ query as to how this tombstone, which was lost for numerous years, had appeared at a construction site.

Filed Under: Articles Tagged With: İstanbul, tombstone, Turk

Turkish Nationalist Claims Government Plans Land Transfer to Armenians

January 23, 2015 By administrator

turk-nationalistANKARA—A leading Turkish opposition figure has claimed that the government is preparing to offer some land to Armenians as the 100th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide approaches, Today’s Zaman reports.

“I know the AKP [ruling Justice and Development (AK) Party] has an ongoing project [on the issue]. A professor has been advising and working on the transfer of land to Armenians who will be brought to Turkey,” Oktay Vural, deputy chairman of the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), told Today’s Zaman.

Noting that the Armenian diaspora has legal claims on lands, and citing recent law suits over lands at the former presidential residence in Ankara and some land in Istanbul’s Yeşilköy district, Vural demanded to know if it was a coincidence that the government earlier said the Istanbul Atatürk Airport in the city’s Yeşilköy district would be removed.

The former presidential residence, known as Çankaya presidential palace, was in service until President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan was elected president in August last year.

Erdoğan lives instead in a recently built presidential palace, while the former presidential residence will be, as Erdoğan said, allocated to the Prime Ministry.

Vural said: “Will [Istanbul] Atatürk Airport and Çankaya presidential palace be given to meet the demands of the Armenian diaspora? Is it a coincidence that they are being evacuated at this particular juncture?”

A large majority of historians and scholars, as well as more than 20 countries and 41 states in the US, have recognized the Armenian Genocide of 1915, the one hundredth anniversary of which is this year.

But according to Vural, the issue should still be left for historians to discuss, saying that the issue should be kept outside the realm of politics and that Armenian demands “should not be legitimized.”

“Such an attitude would render Turks into being slaves on their own land,” Vural maintained.

“Are we going to retry history by legitimizing the demands of those who ask for Çankaya presidential palace and the Atatürk airport in Yeşilköy? What will the AK Party say if some others demand to have Istanbul back saying it used to be called Constantinople?” Vural said.

He added: “Those who seek to bring old issues under the spotlight should know that history cannot be undone by a political trial.”

Noting that some Turkish foundations used to have properties in Cyprus, which used to be part of the Ottoman Empire, Vural demanded to know if the government would make a claim on those properties together with those in the same category in Palestine, ironically ignoring the fact that the Republic of Turkey, in fact, currently occupies about half of Cyprus.

Filed Under: Articles, Genocide Tagged With: armenia-land, İstanbul, Turkey

Iran seeks return of $22 bln smuggled to İstanbul,

January 21, 2015 By administrator

202841_newsdetailIran’s previous government smuggled $22 billion of oil money to İstanbul and Dubai to keep exchange rates in check, and the current government is looking to reclaim this money, the Iranian vice president said on Tuesday. report Zaman

Iran’s state-run news agency İRNA quoted Vice President Eshaq Jahangiri as saying that the $22 billion was smuggled out of Iran under the presidency of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Jahangiri was speaking about ties with Turkey following the revelation of a corruption probe linked to Iranian businessman Babak Zanjani, who is now in prison in Iran.

“We are surprised that a young man was allowed to control more than $2.7 billion in oil revenues,” Jahangiri was quoted as saying in reference to Zanjani.

Zanjani, who was detained in Tehran on Dec. 30, 2013 by Iranian officials, is believed to have participated in shady business activities in Turkey with another Iranian businessman, Reza Zarrab, who was a suspect in a government corruption investigation that went public in Turkey in December 2013. Zarrab was acquitted in a court decision that was criticized for being rendered under intense political pressure from President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.

“If this amount [$22 billion] is not returned to our country’s economy, it will be shameful for Iran. … We are looking forward to the return of this money to Iran,” Jahangiri said on Tuesday. The vice president also criticized the former government for responding slowly in the prosecution of the case of smuggled money.

In 2009, Ahmadinejad’s administration faced a major scandal when Turkish authorities said that a whopping $18.5 billion in cash had entered Turkey, without specifying the details or the source of the money, Rudaw news agency reported on Tuesday.

Later, Turkish media said the money had come from Iran and had been seized at the border.

Filed Under: Articles Tagged With: dubai, Iran, İstanbul, smuggled

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