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Prominent writer unleashes controversy around sexuality in Turkey

October 28, 2017 By administrator

Elif Shafak is seen during the Edinburgh International Book Festival in Edinburgh, Scotland, Aug. 17, 2017.

By Nazlan Ertan,

Elif Shafak, a Turkish international award-winning writer, has a steady record of courting controversy. Her novel “The Bastard of Istanbul,” in which she tackled the Armenian genocide and the deep scars it left on Turkey’s Armenians, led a public prosecutor a decade ago to launch a Kafkaesque trial against one of the characters in the novel for insulting Turks under the infamous Article 301 of the Penal Code. In “Honor,” she focused on femicide. In “The Forty Rules of Love,” arguably the most famous of the 10 novels she has written so far, she wrote about the relationship between Rumi, the 13th-century Sufi preacher/poet, and Shams of Tabriz, leaving open the question of the physical aspect of their relationship. In her latest book, “Three Daughters of Eve,” Shafak explored faith, friendship, bourgeoisie, the economic gap between the haves and have-nots, and seduction on Oxford University’s campus.

Despite Shafak’s international acclaim, her relationship with the Turkish literati is one of love and hate. Although she is the undisputed queen of best-sellers, she often comes under attack because of her politics, her lifestyle, her book covers, which are alleged to be copycats of other books, and even the way she altered the spelling of her last name by changing it from Safak to Shafak so that her non-Turkish audience could pronounce it correctly.

The most recent attack against Shafak, which turned into a social media hate campaign, came following a 20-second admission during a TED Talks presentation in New York, filmed in September but released Oct. 16. Shafak started her talk, titled “The Revolutionary Power of Diverse Thought,” with the question “Can you taste words?” She proceeds talking about her favorite topics: her bittersweet feelings toward Turkey, diversity, the rejection of a “single truth” and plucking up the courage to speak up about who you are and what you believe in.

What the Turkish press and social media quote her on comes toward the end of the talk: “I have always been very vocal and written extensively about minority rights, women’s rights, LGBT rights. … I have never had the courage to say in a public space that I was bisexual myself, because I so feared the slander and the stigma and the ridicule and the hatred that was sure to follow.”

All those reactions she feared quickly came. Various Turkish papers put her revelation on the front page, saying that Shafak had “announced” that she is bisexual — hardly acknowledging that the reference to her sexuality was a passing reference toward the end of the 20-minute talk. Conservative and mainstream columnists picked up the debate, either to air their criticism of the controversial author, who left Turkey to live in London, or to deplore the whole statement as a publicity stunt.

“A champ of self-promotion and grabbing attention,” wrote Ahmet Hakan, one of Turkey’s most-read columnists, in daily Hurriyet, claiming that Shafak has habitually donned different identities that would keep her in the headlines — as a liberal, a feminist, a believer and now a bisexual. “My concern now is that Orhan Pamuk will also come out,” he wrote, referring to Turkey’s only Nobel Literature Prize laureate who is as critical of Turkey’s current policy as Shafak.

Haberturk columnist Oray Egin wrote that Shafak’s remarks were nothing but “a bit of public relations.” Egin, who is openly gay, said, “Being gay is a political identity, which requires commitment and taking responsibility. When a writer who has never expressed the least support to LGBT causes comes out in TED Talks, this can be nothing but a deplorable PR attempt.”

Social media reactions followed with a steady stream of sexual insults and accusations that she was “a traitor” who would stop at nothing to insult Turkey in front of an international audience, or “the bride of Fethullah Gulen” — a reference to Shafak’s marriage to Eyup Can, a journalist who was arrested after the July 15 coup for support of Gulen, a US-based cleric and the alleged mastermind of the coup.

“The reactions on social media accuse Shafak of ignoring Turkish traditions, codes of conduct, honor and family values — of exhibitionism and even of perversity,” Itir Bagdadi, the chair of Gender and Women’s Studies Research and Application Center at the Economy University of Izmir, told Al-Monitor. “It is a clear case of homophobia and misogyny combined. The striking thing is that it is clear that very few of the people who crucified her on social media have listened to the whole speech. This is a dangerous case of a snowball effect of hate speech toward LGBT and other vulnerable groups.”

She said, “It is no easy thing to admit that you are bisexual, which is a group that is the least understood and most ignored, even within the LGBT movement itself. Once such a declaration is made, it is irrevocable. No one has the right to question its sincerity — this in itself is patronizing and oppressive.”

Zehra Celenk, a columnist for Duvar, wrote in her column titled “Elif Shafak, bisexuality and our great homophobia,” that the debate has shown that many people in Turkey do not know what bisexuality means, although they hate it anyway. “What has been written since her announcement precisely confirms what she has said — once you come out, you face disdain, insults and hatred.”

“Some of the criticism is indeed misogynistic and homophobic,” Egin, who questioned Shafak’s sincerity in his column, told Al-Monitor. “Most of social media users seem not to have heard of bisexuality until Elif Shafak, so she did raise the profile of LGBT in Turkey after all. But Elif Shafak, coming out in New York, does not make it any easier coming out in Turkey.”

Another group that has supported Shafak is Lezbiyen, a lesbian, bisexual and feminist movement in Turkey. “Why should declaring your sexual preferences be a way to attract attention?” asked Gizem T., a member of the group, at a roundtable debate organized by Bianet, an independent Turkish news agency that specializes in human rights. “The coming out of a public figure normally would encourage others to come out, but the reaction that [Shafak] faced may well show them that the best thing to do is remain quiet.”

Unlike in many Muslim countries, homosexuality is not illegal in Turkey, but homophobia remains widespread. According to a 2014 report published by Kaos GL Association, homophobic speech is common among members of the government as well as the public.

“Some media outlets promote hate speech against LGBTI persons. The law suits filed by LGBTI persons … usually do not result in effective investigations or sanctions by the judiciary. Discrimination over the right to employment on the basis of sexual orientation remains widespread,” said the European Commission’s 2016 report on Turkey.

Found in: Activism and social media

Nazlan Ertan is Al-Monitor’s culture editor. She is a Turkish blogger, journalist and editor who has worked in Ankara, Paris and Brussels for various Turkish and international publications, including the Hurriyet Daily News, CNN Turk and BBC Turkish Service.

Filed Under: Articles, Genocide Tagged With: Elif Shafak, sexuality in Turkey

Istanbul is a place of collective amnesia, says Turkish author of Genocide novel

February 9, 2017 By administrator

Elif-shafakIn an interview with The Guardian, Turkish writer Elif Shafak, has addressed her novel The Bastard of Istanbul, which shines light on the history of the Armenian Genocide.
The author shared thoughts about the difficulties she faced in the Turkish society after writing the book.
“Istanbul is a place of collective amnesia. Our history is full of ruptures and every new establishment that comes to power starts by erasing the legacy of the previous establishment. I write about minorities and wanted to address the unspeakable tragedies of the past, to talk about the Armenian genocide, share the grief, try to build bridges.

 

“The novel was widely read in Turkey but I was attacked by the nationalist media and put on trial under article 301, which is supposed to protect Turkishness against insults. This article is so vague, no one knows what it means. The trial took over a year. There were groups on the streets burning EU flags and spitting at my pictures. I was acquitted but it was a turbulent time. I had to live with a bodyguard, which was surreal. What made it still more surreal was that, for the first time in Turkey, a work of fiction was tried. My Turkish lawyer had to defend my fictional Armenian characters in the courtroom,” she said.

Filed Under: Articles, Genocide Tagged With: armenian genocide, Elif Shafak, İstanbul

Turkish author Elif Shafak opposed to presidential government

February 1, 2017 By administrator

Elif Shafak, a prominent Turkish writer best known for her book on the Armenian Genocide, has voiced her negative stance on a draft constitutional amendment proposing transition to the presidential model.
She extended support to opponents of the constitutional reforms via posts on Twitter. The civic groups which have joined the campaign include intellectuals, artists and youth activists, Cumhuriyet reports.
In 2006, Shafak twice faced court for her novel The Bastard of Istanbul. She was accused of insulting Turkishness (Article 301 of Turkish Criminal Code). The controversy evolved around a central character who proved the fact of the Armenian Genocide committed in the World War I period. The case was later dismissed for lack of evidence.
To avoid persecutions by Turkish nationalists, the writer, 42, now resides in London.

Filed Under: Articles, Genocide Tagged With: Elif Shafak, government, opposed, presidential

Turkish Author Elif Shafak: ‘In Turkey We’ve Forgotten How to Laugh’ Interview

December 11, 2015 By administrator

UK. London. 1st December 2015Elif Shafak photographed in Kings Cross, London.Andrew Testa for Der Spiegel

UK. London. 1st December 2015Elif Shafak photographed in Kings Cross, London.Andrew Testa for Der Spiegel

Interview by Juliane von Mittelstaedt and Christoph Scheuermann,

Turkish author Elif Shafak sees her country as a “wobbly democracy,” increasingly authoritarian, polarized and depressed. And she is disappointed by European silence.

SPIEGEL: Ms. Shafak, you are from a country where one wrong word could land you in court. Do you still dare to say and write what you think?

Shafak: Words are heavy in Turkey, and every writer, every poet and every journalist knows that, because of a word, because of a sentence, because of a tweet or even a retweet, you can be sued, you can be demonized by the media and you can even land in prison. So when we write, we write with this knowledge in the back of our minds. And if someone says: I am not affected by this, I would not believe that person. The truth is: nobody can escape this pressure. And as a result, there is a lot of self-censorship. When I am writing political op-eds, yes I do think carefully about the impact of my words. When I am writing fiction, it’s a different story. In my fiction I am more reckless. I don’t care about the real world until I am done with the book.

SPIEGEL: In 2006, legal proceedings were initiated against you because of what one of the main characters in your book, “The Bastard of Istanbul,” said about the Armenian genocide. Even though you were ultimately acquitted, it shows that even fiction can be dangerous.

Shafak: Yes, it was a very, very surreal experience, because a work of fiction was put on trial for the first time. For me, that was a very unnerving experience. Not only because of the trial, but there were ultranationalist mobs on the streets protesting against me, spitting on my pictures, swearing at me. But the feedback from my readers was amazing. They supported me, even though they come from all different sorts of backgrounds — there are conservatives and proponents of secularism, feminists and liberals. So I have seen both sides: I have seen that you can get in trouble with your books in Turkey, but that at the same time books really matter.

SPIEGEL: Ten years later, “Reporters without Borders” now ranks Turkey 149th out of 180 countries with regard to press freedom and several journalists have been arrested. Most recently, two editors with Cumhuriyet were taken into custody for publishing material incriminating the government. Is press freedom under threat?

Shafak: Yes, it is under great threat. I am afraid we have gone backwards, in terms of freedom and diversity of media. Different views are not tolerated anymore. Critical minds are suppressed, intimidated. And it’s not just going backwards. It’s sliding backwards very, very fast. It’s not only arrests and trials. The other issue is a widespread depression among the liberal-secular part of society. I remember a time when it was ok to make fun of politicians and powerful people. Now, it’s not ok anymore. We’ve forgotten how to laugh.

SPIEGEL: Many in Europe are unsure how to view Erdogan. Is he an authoritarian ruler, an Islamist, a nationalist or a failed democrat?

Shafak: I would call him an authoritarian politician who is very divisive. This is a society of the baba, the father, the patriarch. It starts in the family, continues at school, in the family, on the street. In every aspect of life, including football, the Turkish society is baba-oriented. And our mentality in politics is not that different. I think this is a big part of the problem: Our politics is very masculine, very aggressive, and it’s very polarizing. And the pace of this development has increased in recent years. Erdogan is, in my eyes, the most polarizing politician in recent Turkish political history.

SPIEGEL: Can you see the results of that polarization within your family or among your friends?

Shafak: Yes, I am seeing it in my close circle of friends. Among us are some who support the government and there are others who are very critical. But the fact that we speak and discuss with each other is almost an exception in Turkey. Why? Because the society has become divided into ghettos with glass walls. Everybody is on their own island, and doesn’t talk with the people on the other island. And it’s a society of anger, mistrust, paranoia and conspiracy theories.

SPIEGEL: Where did this extreme polarization come from?

Shafak: It has a complex background, but one of the answers can be found in a recent Pew study. In 38 countries, the research center asked people if it was legitimate to criticize the government vocally and publicly? In Lebanon, 98 percent of the people said yes, it’s ok. In Jordan, the number drops to 64 percent. In Pakistan, it’s 54 percent, and in Turkey, it’s 52. That means that almost half of the Turkish population believes it is not legitimate to criticize the government. Interestingly, this correlates with the number of supporters of Erdogan’s government.

SPIEGEL: And yet, of the countries you just mentioned, Turkey is actually the most democratic. How can that be?

Shafak: This is a new phenomenon — and yes, it’s a big paradox. Mainstream media constantly says they are enemies everywhere, both inside and outside — and anyone who speaks critically is stigmatized as “traitor.” So the conclusion people draw is that they should not criticize the government. As ridiculous as it may sound, I have been accused of being directed by an “international literature lobby.” The claim is that there is a big lobby somewhere abroad and from every country they chose two or three authors and they use them to criticize their governments. There are a lot of people in Turkey who believe in such crap.

SPIEGEL: Did this only start with Erdogan and his AKP party, or are his politics merely reinforcing societal insecurities that were there before?

Shafak: For sure, this has to do with our history. Many analysts compare Turkey with countries in the Middle East, but I think we need to compare it with Russia. Both countries come from a tradition of empire, and also from a tradition of the strong state. In a normal democracy, you protect the individual from the excessive power of the state. In Turkey, power elites try to protect the state — as if this state were fragile and needed protection — when in fact, it’s too powerful already. This is where we started from, though — in the last five years, Turkey has become more and more authoritarian.

 

SPIEGEL: If Turkey is like Russia, are there also similarities between Erdogan and Vladimir Putin?

Shafak: Erdogan has changed a lot since he came to power. In the beginning, he used to talk about being all-embracing. No longer. It’s no secret that he wants to change the constitution in order to have a presidential system, and I am sure he will do everything he can to get there. I am very worried about this concentration of power, and it’s not only because of Erdogan. We have the ballot box, but we don’t have the culture of democracy. The government says: You see, we have the majority, we’re entitled to do anything we want. But that’s not democracy, that’s majoritarianism.

 

SPIEGEL: Does that mean you wouldn’t call Turkey a democracy?

Shafak: I wish we had more nuanced words to define democracy. Obviously, Turkey is not a typical authoritarian regime, and obviously it’s very important that there are free elections. But it’s also obvious that this is not a liberal, mature democracy. This is why I call Turkey a wobbly democracy. At any time, it can tip over and fall down.

 

SPIEGEL: Last Sunday, the European Union invited Turkey to a summit in Brussels for the first time in a long time — and promised €3 billion, visa freedoms and a revitalization of the EU accession process. Human rights and freedom of speech weren’t even mentioned, despite the fact that the Cumhuriyet journalists had been arrested only a short time before. Did this sudden political upgrading of Erdogan surprise you?

Shafak: These two journalists wrote a letter from prison to the EU leaders saying: Do not forget freedom of speech, do not forget democracy. But that’s exactly what happened. Yet if we forget (those values), more journalists will be fired or arrested and lose their voices. Human rights and freedom of speech are vital, urgent issues and they are non-negotiable.

 

SPIEGEL: European leaders are now essentially begging Turkey to help slow or stop the flow of Syrian refugees into Europe. Is Turkey able to do such a thing?

Shafak: Turkey has taken more than 2 million Syrian refugees and cannot be made responsible for the refugee crisis alone — the biggest humanitarian crisis since World War II. Any solution has to be a joint, international one, but that’s not what is happening. Instead, the EU’s approach has been: Ok, we’ll pay you so the refugees stay in Turkey.

 

SPIEGEL: Which is why the EU is willing to support Erdogan and refrain from criticizing him despite human rights violations in Turkey.

Shafak: Facing all these crises, more and more people are favoring stability over democracy, in Turkey and in the West. The EU, it seems, wants stable regimes, and therefore it’s not emphasizing human rights any more. They have become postponable issues. But these are not postponable issues! There can be no stability without democracy.

 

SPIEGEL: You sound disappointed.

Shafak: You know, sometimes I feel I have more faith in European ideals than some of my British or French friends. For them, it’s a financial burden. For me, Europe is primarily about values, about fundamental rights, freedom, women’s rights. The message from last week’s summit, however, was: Europe has put its values on hold.

 

SPIEGEL: Do you still think Turkey should become a member of the EU?

Shafak: I was and still am a big proponent of Turkey’s membership. In 2005 and 2006 it seemed almost possible. It’s a huge tragedy that this historical moment was missed because of the short-sightedness of populist politicians on all sides. As an EU member, the government couldn’t have become so authoritarian. There would be better checks and balances. Look at what happened since: Turkey turned its back to Europe and walked the other way. But what is more beneficial for us: A Turkey that is part of Europe, part of the liberal democratic world and the sphere of free speech — or a Turkey that sides with more authoritarian states?

 

SPIEGEL: Do people in Turkey still want to become a member of the EU?

Shafak: At the height of the EU debate a few years ago, up to 82 percent of the people wanted to be in the EU. We grew up reading Balzac and Goethe, we feel European. But after it didn’t happen, the mood changed very fast. The support for EU membership has now dropped to 20 percent. It’s almost a childish reaction: If Europe doesn’t want us, we don’t want Europe. We are emotional people. Emotions are subject to change.

 

SPIEGEL: Might the refugee crisis be enough to bring Turkey and Europe back together again?

Shafak: I would like the refugee crisis to become a new beginning in the Turkish-European relationship. But it would be very problematic if, during this process, human rights were forgotten. Democracy needs to be the priority.

 

SPIEGEL: Do you believe that there might one day be another protest movement like the Gezi protests in 2013?

Shafak: I don’t think so. Not only because of fear, but also because of this collective depression. People think nothing will change when they take to the streets. I see two opposite tendencies in Turkish society: people feel demoralized, they lose the interest in politics and retreat to their private lives; or they become very angry and even more politicized, and radicalized. Both trends are troublesome.

 

SPIEGEL: Turkey just recently shot down a Russian jet. In reaction, Putin called Turkey an “accomplice of terrorists” for helping Syrian extremist groups. Is he right?

Shafak: Nobody knows what is happening, that is the sad truth. There are a lot of conspiracy theories floating around, and I don’t want to get into them. But the fact that we cannot ask those questions is an indication that our political system is in disrepair. Turkey in general became too involved with what is happening in Egypt and in Syria. Some politicians with neo-Ottoman dreams developed this idea of being a major player in the Middle East, which hasn’t gone as expected.

 

SPIEGEL: The Middle East is not the only troubled area. Within Turkey as well the situation has escalated into fighting between the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) and the government. Do you believe it is possible to restart the peace process?

Shafak: It’s not very promising. The peace process was taken hostage by hawkish people on both sides, caught between the violence of the PKK and Turkish ultra-nationalism. We could have had a coalition after the election in June with representatives of many parties, including the Kurds. Had that happened, the situation would be different today. But Erdogan did not want to. He wanted an absolute majority, which is why he wanted new elections. Since then, more than 600 people have died in the fighting and attacks.

 

SPIEGEL: You sound quite weary. Is there no more hope for political change in Turkey?

Shafak: I’m half pessimistic and half optimistic. Or like the author Antonio Gramsci would say, I believe in optimism of the will, pessimism of the intellect. But my hope is the people, the society, which is ahead of the government. Turkey has a very young, dynamic, curious population. In Europe, Facebook and Twitter are mostly about sharing daily experiences while for Turkish people, social networks are political platforms. The more the media lost its freedom, the more politicized social media became. The government tried to ban Twitter, but it was not successful. The digital world is developing with such force and such a pace that you simply can’t ban or control it. People want to be globally connected. There is hope there.

 

SPIEGEL: What will Turkey look like 10 years from now? Will Erdogan still rule the country?

Shafak: I don’t know, but we are at a critical juncture. It can’t go on like this. The polarization is so deep now. In the past, there were people who could bridge these sides, both liberals and conservatives. We don’t have these bridge builders anymore. After the Ankara bombings on October 10, people were asked to hold a minute of silence, but many refused. Our society can’t even unite in grief to honor the victims. We’ve lost our empathy. That’s maybe the worst.

Source: spiegel.de

Filed Under: Interviews, News Tagged With: Elif Shafak, Turkish Author

Elif Shafak, Turk Intellectuals Who Recognized The Armenian Genocide.

February 15, 2014 By administrator

By:Hambersom Aghbashian

Elif Şafak ( born 25 October 1971, Strasbourg, France) is a Turkish author, columnist, speaker and academic. She holds a Masters degree in Gender and Women’s Studies and a Ph.D. in Political Science. “As Turkey’s bestselling female writer, Şafak Elif Shafakis a brave champion of cosmopolitanism, a sophisticated feminist, and an ambitious novelist who infuses her magical-realist fiction with big, important ideas…”. She is one of the most distinctive voices in contemporary Turkish and world literature. Her books have been published in more than 40 countries, and she was awarded the honorary distinction of Chevalier of the Order of Arts and Letters in 2010. (1)

Shafak has published twelve books, eight of which are novels. She writes fictions in both Turkish and English. Her first novel, Pinhan (The Mystic) was awarded the “Rumi Prize” in 1998. Her second novel is Şehrin Aynaları (Mirrors of the City). Shafak greatly increased her readership with her novel Mahrem (The Gaze), which earned her the “Best Novel-Turkish Writers’ Union Prize” in 2000. Her next novel, Bit Palas (The FleaPalace), has been a bestseller in Turkey and was shortlisted for the Independent Best Fiction Award.

Shafak wrote her next novel in English. The Saint of Incipient Insanities was published by Farrar, Straus and Giroux. Her second novel written in English is The Bastard of Istanbul, which was the bestselling book of 2006 in Turkey and was long listed for the Orange prize. The novel, which tells the story of an Armenian and a Turkish family through the eyes of women, brought Shafak under prosecution but the charges were ultimately dismissed.

In her book Black Milk. Shafak explored the beauties and difficulties of being a writer and a mother.. . The Forty Rules of Love sold more than 600 000 copies, becoming an all time best-

The Bastard of Istanbul

seller in Turkey and in France, awarded with the Prix ALEF – Mention Spéciale Littérature Etrangère..Her latest novel, Iskender (Honour), has topped the best-seller lists (2)

After publishing her book “The Bastard of Istanbul” in 2006, Julie Bosman wrote on Feb.10, 2007 (The New York Times -Books) that “it is the best seller in Turkey”, and that ” She travels with a bodyguard now and has been placed under official police protection in Turkey”. “Ms. Shafak was sued by a nationalist Turkish lawyer, Kemal Kerincsiz, whose rightist group has also sued dozens of others, including Orhan Pamuk, Turkey’s best-known novelist”. (3)

According to Armenpress, May 21,2013, ” The Bastard of Istanbul” was translated into Armenian by Maro Madoyan- Alajanian (American Armenian literary critic), who underscored that “Elif Safaq must be known to the Armenian society. Her novel is dedicated to the consequences of the Genocide. Safaq is hiding because of  continuous persecution  initiated against her by the Turkish extremists”.(4)

According to Aravot.am (May 30 2013), Elif Şafak, was charged under Article 301, which is about insulting national identity. In order to escape the persecutions of nationalists, the 42-year-old Turkish woman now lives in London. (5)
On December 24, 2007,Myrthe Korf wrote some details of the story which are interesting.(6)

Elif Safaq is also one of TED’s guests. TED (Technology, Entertainment, Design) is a global set of conferences owned by the private non-profit Sapling Foundation, under the slogan “ideas worth spreading”.

In addition to writing fictions, Shafak is also a political scientist. She continues to write for Haberturk, a major newspaper in Turkey, as well as several international daily & weekly publications, including The Guardian website. She has been featured in major newspapers and periodicals, including the Washington Times, the Wall Street Journal, the New York Times, The Economist and The Guardian.

———————————————————————————————————————

1- http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Elif_%C5%9Eafak

2- http://www.elifshafak.com/biography.asp

3-http://www.nytimes.com/2007/02/10/books/10shaf.html?_r=0

4-http://armenpress.am/eng/news/719615/

5- http://en.aravot.am/2013/05/30/154590/

6- http://myrthekorf.nl/2007/12/the-bastard-of-istanbul-by-elif-shafak/

 

Filed Under: Articles, Books Tagged With: Elif Shafak, Turk Intellectuals Who Recognized The Armenian Genocide.

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