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Ցեղապաշտութիւնըպատմութեանհնագոյնեւամենավտանգաւորերեւոյթներէնմէկնէ, զորաշխարհըկըդիմագրաւէնաեւներկայիս: Ցեղապաշտութիւնըայնհամոզումըկամվարդապետութիւննէ, որկ՛արմատացնէտարբերութիւններըմարդկայինզանազանցեղերումիջեւ. անիկաայդզգացումնէ, թէխումբմըմարդիկ՝որոշկենսաբանականկազմուածքով, իրենքզիրենքկըգերադասենայլխումբերէ։
Թուրքիաներկարպատմութիւնունիցեղապաշտութեանեւցեղայինխտրականութեանհետ, որոնքարմատաւորուածենթրքականհասարակութեանմօտ՝ամէնձեւովեւտարբեր–տարբերկերպարանքով: Իրէութեամբ, ցեղապաշտութիւնըԹուրքիոյմէջօրինականգաղափարախօսութիւնէ, որլիովիննեցուկգտածեւիրականացուածէօսմանցիսուլթաններունեւԵրիտթուրքերունկողմէ, ապաշարունակուածէՔեմալԱթաթուրքիեւանորյաջորդողներունկողմէուտակաւինկըշարունակուիայսօր՝ՌեչեփԹայիփԷրտողանիկողմէ: Թուրքըմիշտինքզինքկըհամարէ «գապատայի» (քաջագործ) եւունիուժեղեւչափազանցզգացում, թէինքիրաւունքունիբոլորցեղերէնբարձրդասուելու: Զորօրինակ, ԱլիՍուաւի (Ali Suavi), որթուրքմտաւորականմընէրՕսմանեանշրջանին, 1860ինյայտարարածէ, թէթուրքերըկըգերազանցենբոլորցեղերը՝քաղաքական, ռազմականեւմշակութայինասպարէզներունմէջ:
Ցեղապաշտութիւնըմիշտեղածէկործանարար. երբանիկակըհասնիծայրայեղութեան, անորարդիւնքըցեղասպանութիւնկ՛ըլլայ, եւճիշդայսէր, որտեղիունեցաւ 1915ին, երբթուրքերըգործադրեցինառաջինհամակարգուածցեղասպանութիւնը՝մարդկութեանժամանակակիցպատմութեանմէջ, որունհետեւանքովերկումիլիոնհայերարմատախիլեղանիրենցհայրենիտունէնեւարտաքսուեցանդէպիարաբականանապատները, 1.5 միլիոնանմեղհայերնահատակուեցանեւհազարաւորտարիներուպատմութիւնունեցողհայազգըտեղահանեղաւիրհայրենիքիարեւմտեանմասէն: Ցեղային, մշակութայինեւկրօնականտարբերութիւնները, ինչպէսնաեւհայերուտնտեսականյաջողութիւններըթուրքերունախանձըգրգռեցինեւպատճառդարձանՑեղասպանութեան: Հայերըյաջողածէինտնտեսութեան, ճարտարապետութեան, երաժշտութեան, առեւտուրիեւայլոլորտներումէջ, սակայնանոնքերեւելի, բացորոշեւհռչակաւորչէինօսմանեանբանակինմէջ, քանիորբանակինդռներըփակէինանոնցդիմաց, հետեւաբար՝հայերըդիւրինթիրախդարձանթուրքերունհամար։
ՑեղապաշտութիւնըթրքականհասարակութեանմնայունառանձնայատկութիւնըդարձածէեւմինչեւօրսկըգոյատեւէԹուրքիոյմէջ: ԱնիկակըմնայմշտականխնդիրԹուրքիոյժողովուրդինհամար: Նկատիունենալով, որԹուրքիոյկրթականծրագրիրներըտակաւինկըշարունակենսորվեցնելնորսերունդին, թէիրենցազգըգերադասէ, եւայնքանատեն, որթուրքըկըժխտէփոքրամասնութիւններուիրաւունքներըեւիրպատմութեանսեւէջերը, ցեղապաշտութիւնըպիտիշարունակէգոյութիւնունենալԹուրքիոյմէջ:
Հայեր, ասորիներ, յոյներեւուրիշներբնաջնջուեցանԹուրքիոյմէջ: Քիւրտերը, որոնքկըգնահատուին 16 միլիոնմարդԹուրքիոյմէջ, տակաւինմինչեւայսօրիրենցլեզունչենկրնարդասաւանդել, քանիորայդմէկըարգիլուածէրԱթաթուրքինկողմէ, որզանոնք «լեռնայինթուրքեր» անուանածէր: Թուրքերունկողմէցուցաբերուածխտրականութիւննուատելութիւնըկըկիրարկուիննաեւիսլամտարբերյարանուանութիւններունկատմամբ, ինչպիսինենալաուիներըեւսուֆիիսլամները: Ինչպէսբացայայտածէ «Ակօս» թերթը՝Թուրքիոյպետութիւնըերկրիփոքրամասնութիւններունվերաբերեալգաղտնիծածկագիրներօգտագործածէ՝դասակարգելուհամարայդհամայնքներըերկրինմէջ:
DAMASCUS, Syria—Lattakia Governor Ahmad Sheikh Abdelqader on Tuesday discussed with Armenian Ambassador in Damascus Arshak Poladian the situation in the city of Kessab, SANA reported.
The Governor detailed the scale of the destruction caused to the city by rebel groups, suggesting that Armenia could provide aid to restore the city, particularly in light of the economic embargo imposed on Syria.
Sheikh Abdelqader said that basic services and infrastructure have been 70 percent restored in Kessab, noting that the rebels stole power transformers and water pumps and sabotaged wells, phone equipment, and the town’s health center.
He added that supplies have been provided for the town in preparation for the locals’ return, noting that the government will help local farmers by providing free pesticides and reimbursing them for stolen and damaged farm machinery.
In turn, Poladian affirmed Armenia’s condemnation of all forms of terrorism, asserting that Syria has always been a home for Armenians throughout history.
He affirmed his country’s readiness to help the town of Kessab and its people. This is Poladian’s second visit to the town of Kessab to inspect the situation there.
Russia’s president has laid the blame for the ongoing turmoil between Kiev and south-eastern regions squarely at the feet of Petro Poroshenko, after the Ukrainian leader terminated the ceasefire.
He has stressed that Russia and European partners could not convince Poroshenko to not take the path of violence, which can’t lead to peace.
“Unfortunately, President Poroshenko has made the decision to resume military actions, and we – meaning myself and my colleagues in Europe – could not convince him that the way to reliable, firm and long-term peace can’t lie through war,” Putin said. “So far, Petro Poroshenko had no direct relation to orders to take military action. Now he has taken on this responsibility in full. Not only military, but also political, more importantly.”
On Monday, the leaders of Russia, France, Germany and Ukraine held a phone call in which Putin stressed the need to prolong the ceasefire and the creation of “a reliable mechanism for monitoring compliance with it and the OSCE [Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe] should play an active role.”
Russia offered that checkpoints on the Russian side should be monitored by representatives of the Ukrainian Border service as well as OSCE observers for “the joint control of the border.”
As the violent conflict continues in the east of Ukraine and the number of refugees fleeing to Russia grows, Putin vowed to provide help to everyone who needs it.
“Everything that’s going on in Ukraine is of course the internal business of Ukrainian government, but we are painfully sorry that people die, civilians,” Putin said. He added that the killing of journalists was “absolutely unacceptable.”
“In my opinion, there is a deliberate attempt to eliminate representatives of the press going on. It concerns both Russian and foreign journalists,” the president said.
PM Shinzo Abe’s Cabinet has endorsed plans to allow Japan’s military to help defend other nations. Jeremy Yellen talks to DW about the implications of one of the biggest changes in Japan’s security policy since WWII.
Despite widespread public anger and a protester’s suicide bid, Japan’s Cabinet approved on Tuesday, July 1, a proposal calling for the right to “collective self-defense,” or aiding a friendly country under attack. The proposal, which still needs to be approved by parliament, would also allow the country’s military to play a larger international role by loosing restrictions on activities in UN-led peacekeeping operations and “grey zone” incidents – low intensity conflicts that fall short of a full-scale attack.
Japan currently maintains a military only for its own defense, and has previously interpreted the pacifist Article 9 of its post-World War II constitution as meaning it cannot engage in what is known as collective self-defense. If approved, the change could allow the Asian nation to come to the defense of the US or other countries, even if Japan itself is not under attack. In a DW interview, Harvard University historian Jeremy A. Yellen says the move is an important gesture toward the United States, but it will very likely deal a further blow to Japan’s relations with both neighboring China and South Korea.
If the proposal were to get through parliament, how important would this step be?
This would be both a very symbolic and important development for Japan’s security policy, and the Japanese press has thus taken to calling it a “great change.” It is important, however, not to take the recent developments out of their proper historical context. Certainly the pace of Japan’s sea change in security affairs has picked up under the current Abe administration. But the roots of this change reach back two decades, to the end of the Cold War.
How have the different Japanese administrations interpreted Article 9?
Throughout the Cold War, Japan practiced an economics-first strategy – the Yoshida Doctrine, named after Yoshida Shigeru who served as prime minister in 1946-47 and 1948-1954. The doctrine prioritized economic rehabilitation while relying on the protective shield of US power.
Yoshida and his successors interpreted Article 9 in a way that bound Japan from a broader security role. In the process they imposed a number of restraints on participation in security affairs, from refusing to deploy Japanese troops overseas to avoiding participation in collective defense arrangements, limiting military spending and power projection capabilities, and refusing to export arms or share defense technologies.
So Article 9 was “interpreted” in a way that legitimated each of these restraints. This strategy allowed Japan to sidestep the psychological costs of full rearmament while allowing the country to take economic advantage of the bipolar Cold War world. And it was immensely popular, owing to widely shared ideals of pacifism.
The end of the Cold War, however, threw this strategy into disarray. Meeting the needs of security in the new era has required undoing much of the restraints that Japan has imposed on itself. From the early 1990s, Japanese Self-Defese Forces were deployed overseas to Cambodia and later to other areas. And, more recently, Abe has created new principles for arms exports and has signed an agreement with Turkey to develop weapons jointly. All of these moves would not have been allowed under the interpretation of Article 9 that held sway during the Cold War.
In effect, the interpretation of Article 9 – the peace clause of the Japanese constitution – has been weakened numerous times since the end of the Cold War. So although Abe’s reinterpretation of the constitution to allow for collective self-defense is indeed important, it should be read as the latest of a string of attacks on Article 9.
This latest step is also symbolically an important gesture toward the United States. The US-Japan alliance, after all, is the lynchpin of both countries’ security strategies for the Asia-Pacific. And the US has complained for decades about Japan’s unwillingness to take a broader security role. I believe that the political value of showing a readiness to work with Washington may be much more important to Abe than the military value of exercising collective self-defense.
How does Abe justify the reinterpretation of Article 9?
Abe has consistently justified his reinterpretation of Article 9 in two ways. First, he has placed his reinterpretation in the context of Japan’s alliance with the United States. Abe argues that allowing the exercise of collective self-defense would allow its forces to protect US vessels and help sweep mines in the Persian Gulf. The Abe government privately fears that if Japan does not show a broader willingness to fight for the United States, then Washington might abandon its commitment to defend the disputed Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands, leaving Japan at the mercy of China in the East China Sea.
Second, Abe has justified the reinterpretation of Article 9 by pointing to China’s maritime advance abroad. He has referred to the clashes in the South China Sea between China and Vietnam and the Philippines as evidence of China’s aggressive intent. Abe has hinted that collective self-defense could be extended to such nations as South Korea, Australia, the Philippines, Vietnam, and India, if threats from China or other aggressive states bring matters to a head. And this would all be in the name of “active pacifism.”
According to Abe’s new interpretation, under what circumstances would Japan be able to deploy its military forces?
This is unclear. According to the Cabinet decision, Japan would be able to deploy its military forces if three conditions are met: (1) if an ally or friendly nation is attacked; (2) if that attack presents a clear threat to the existence of Japan; and (3) if it threatens to undermine the rights of the people to the pursuit of life, liberty, and happiness. But who decides whether an attack on a friendly nation represents a “clear threat” to Japan? This, like Article 9 itself, is open to interpretation. Abe has promised “limits” to involvement in overseas operations, but those “limits” remain ill defined. Some fear that thiswill give conservative nationalists a blank check to invoke the right of collective self-defense under the guise of security.
Legal revisions needed to implement the change must still be approved by parliament, which could impose further restrictions in the process. Is the reinterpretation likely to be adopted by parliament?
It is highly likely that the National Diet will sign off on the reinterpretation of Article 9. Abe has done an excellent job of taming the liberal members of his own Liberal Democratic Party by dangling the carrot of future Cabinet appointments – and he plans a Cabinet reshuffle in September.
New Kōmeitō is on board as well, owing to fears among the party leadership that continued resistance might impel the LDP to abandon New Kōmeitō as its coalition partner. The ruling coalition alone has a comfortable majority in both houses of the National Diet, and they will find further support for collective self-defense in officials from Your Party and the now-defunct Japan Restoration Party.
Abe’s plans have been heavily criticized even within his own ruling coalition. What are the PM’s opponents so concerned about?
An interesting and underreported fact – in English-language media – is the extent to which Abe’s own party initially criticized him. As recently as mid-March, former LDP Secretary-General Koga Makoto called Abe’s plan’s “the thinking of a foolish, spoilt child.” Liberals in the LDP’s Kishida faction no doubt felt the same way. But as the Asahi Shimbun newpaper noted in late May, it is highly likely that Abe tamed his own party by applying pressure over personnel choices in its upcoming Cabinet reshuffle.
New Kōmeitō – the LDP’s coalition partner – has led the vanguard of resistance. They have argued that reinterpreting the constitution is frivolous and unnecessary, as Japan’s security can be guaranteed through the right of individual self-defense. Moreover, New Kōmeitō’s willingness to expand Japan’s security role has always been hampered by the party’s peace principles and by its own pacifist power base – the Nichiren Buddhist lay organization Sōka Gakkai. And party members feared that support for collective self-defense could harm New Kōmeitō’ in the upcoming nationwide local elections next spring. But the party has folded on the issue, no doubt owing to Yamaguchi Natsuo and the party leadership’s fears of being kicked out of the coalition government with the LDP.
How are neighboring countries likely to react to this move?
This decision will deal a further blow to Japan’s relations in East Asia. Both China and South Korea are involved in bitter territorial disputes with Japan, disputes that have only been exacerbated by Abe’s overt nationalism, his recent visit to the controversial Yasukuni Shrine, and his tendency to downplay or disregard the horrors of Japan’s imperial past.
he Chinese Foreign Ministry has thus continually communicated its wariness about Tokyo making any changes in Japan’s defense policy. And the broader public in both China and South Korea remains staunchly opposed to any reinterpretation of Article 9. In the short-term, South Korean President Park Geun-hye will likely use it as yet another justification for her country’s chilly relations with Japan. And China will likely use this move as an occasion to blame Tokyo for escalating regional tensions.
On the other hand, the United States will welcome Japan’s decision. Washington, after all, has for decades pressed Tokyo to take a more equal role in the alliance. And it is also likely to be welcomed by the Philippines and Vietnam, both which are engaged in territorial disputes or standoffs with China.
How are the Japanese people likely to react to the Cabinet decision?
This is a highly unpopular move with the Japanese people. Public support for Article 9 remains quite strong. According to a recent poll conducted by the Nihon Keizai Shinbun, 50 percent of respondents oppose the exercise of collective self-defense, far outstripping the 34 percent who support it. Moreover, only 29 percent of respondents approve of the move to reinterpret the constitution (instead of revising it outright), whereas 54 percent opposed such a move.
Jeremy A. Yellen is a historian of modern Japan and an Associate in Research at Harvard University.
Armenian forces thwarted a sabotage attempt as Azeris sought to infiltrate the village of Aygedzor in Armenia’s Tavush province on Tuesday, July 1. Azeris were surrounded, with the attack repelled, Defense Ministry spokesman told PanARMENIAN.Net
No injuries were reported on Armenian side, Artsrun Hovhannisyan said.
Azerbaijan opened fire at the villages of Barekamavan, Aygepar and Movses in Armenia’s Tavush province Friday, June 27.
The administrator of Barekamavan village, Gagik Abazyan, told the newspaper that shots were fired at the village between 5:00 pm and 6:30 pm. The shots targeted homes, kindergartens and the village school.
Aygepar village also came under Azerbaijani fire last night. Shots were fired from large-caliber weapons. The village gas pipeline was damaged. Shootings continued in Movses village from 10:15 pm.
When your eyes start watering from happiness and emotion, you know something is right and well worth the sacrifice. On Sunday, June 8, 2014, AGM’s school year culminated in a very special year end program and graduation ceremony at Godinez High School Auditorium in Santa Ana. In what turned out to be a spectacular performance put forth by the students, nearly 450 audience members witnessed the vital role of an Armenian school in the lives of both the youth and community involved.
The students performed classic Armenian poetry, songs, and dance to outline the theme of the evening’s program which was appropriately titled “The Traveler to Eternity” depicting scenes from Gevok Emin’s classic novel. Just as the students presented the millennium of rich Armenian history, culture, and religion, the performances underscored the dedication of Armenian families in Orange County to their children and national identity. “The Traveler to Eternity” was capped with a scene of today’s Armenian youth living in the United States and preserving its heritage within a united community. The correlation between hundreds of years of struggle runs parallel to the daily joy of witnessing a strong vibrant Armenian school.
Following the performance was the kindergarten and sixth grade graduation ceremony, where students received their diplomas and were recognized for their hard work and efforts throughout the year. The sixth grade students expressed their heartfelt words of gratitude to the school as they bid AGM a bittersweet farewell.
It takes a lot to run a village, even a small one. It takes trust and honesty but, more importantly, it requires passion and vision. AGM’s model of reinventing itself is the classic and defined example of the future of Armenian schools around the world. Today’s sophisticated parents and families demand a multitude ranging from prime education to extracurricular activities intertwined in a cultural and religious foundation. This is what AGM has accomplished and proudly displayed on Sunday afternoon. The future of A.G. Minassian Armenian School and the OC Armenian Community is bright given what was witnessed.
To enroll your children at the Minassian School, please call the office at (714) 839-7831 or visit agminassianschool.org.
Borussia Dortmund’s midfielder Henrikh Mkhitaryan is the best footballer in Armenian history, says Youri Djorkaeff, who played for Italia’s Internazionale and won World and European titles with the French national team, Euro-Football.ru reports.
“The Armenian national team is progressing,” he said. “Recall the Euro 2012 qualification round, when Armenia was close to proceeding to play-off matches. Mkhitaryan is wonderful, and I think he’s the best footballer in Armenian history. Although very young, he shows a mature and clever game,” Djorkaeff said.
Youri Djorkaeff is half Armenian. Born in Lyon, he was raised in an Armenian environment. “You can consider me a fan of the Armenian national team,” he said.
The “Happy” phenomenon that has toured the world with over one hundred million views, under the now famous Pharell Williams, also installed in Artsakh to the chagrin of Azerbaijan. A beautiful lesson of optimism is nice to see!
“Is it necessary to live in a country recognized to be happy? Absolutely not! In addition, people with unrecognized Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh) countries prosper, create and …… are happy there, “it is written in this video.
June 16, 2014 — AP Images Team
Adherents of the Zoroastrian religion from around the world gathered at a mountain shrine in central Iran this week to celebrate their Persian roots, praying in remembrance of a princess who fled the seventh century Arab invasion. At Chak Chak, some 600 kilometers (370 miles) southeast of the capital Tehran,
believers gathered to remember Nikbanou, a heroine of the faith who according to tradition took shelter in the mountain and prayed for help. Miraculously, the mountain was said to have opened up and given protection to the princess, the youngest daughter of the last king of the Persian Sassanian empire. A spring slowly drips from the ceiling of the shrine, built into a cliff-side cave, giving the site its name, which means “drip drip” in Persian.
Tradition says the spring is the mountain shedding tears in remembrance of Nikbanou. An immense tree stands nearby, which is said to have grown from Nikbanou’s cane. “We’ve all gathered here to remember Nikbanou and celebrate our deep Persian roots,” said priest Ardeshir Khorshidian who was dressed in white to symbolize purity. Many pilgrims stay overnight at pavilions set up at the base of the mountain. Families sitting on rugs had picnics while children played.