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Denying Turkey a piece of the pie can break regional plot against Kurdistan

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Kurdistan Erdogan cash cowK

www.gagrule.net For last 10 years we have been exposing Erdogan fooling Iraqi Kurdistan leader Barzani and Kurdistan become Erdogan Cash cow but Barzani pretended Erdogan is brotherly friend now someone is telling the truth read bellow. 

By Osamah Golpy,

A convoy carrying heavy weapons belonging to Kurdish Peshmerga forces, crosses into Turkey from the Habur border crossing on Turkish-Kurdistani border in Sirnak province of Turkey, on October 29, 2014. The Kurdish Regional Government in Iraq then sent its forces to fight alongside the Kurdish groups against ISIS militants in the Syrian town of Kobane under a special arrangement with Turkey. Photo: Ahmet Bolat/AA

It is no secret that Turkey has been part of the regional punitive measures taken in cooperation with Iraq to bring the Kurdistan Region to its knees. It is also a fact that strong economic and security relations between Erbil and Ankara—At least from the Turkish point view—never meant the recognition of the Kurdistan Region. It was all profit-driven which gained Turkey tens of billions of dollars in trade exchange. Therefore, perhaps it is now time for the Kurdistan Region to get back at Turkey where it hurts—trade, though this requires the Peshmerga to keep a hold on Fish Khabur.
Turkey does not have land border with Iraq with whom it wants closer economic relations, especially after the defeat of ISIS and where an estimated $100 billion is going to be the cost of reconstruction. Turkey wants a big, if not the lion’s share, in contracts in these destroyed cities and trade with the rest of Iraq.
Turkey would not have any problem keeping Ibrahim Khalil as its main route into Iraq had Erbil and Baghdad enjoyed  good relations. But with Baghdad determined to cross every red line including marching into undisputed KRG territories, Ankara now suggests that Iraq goes all the way to Fish Khabur  and bypass  the Kurdistan Region. This is where Iraqi and Kurdish oil is exported to the world market, and where the borders of Kurdistan Region, Turkey and Syria meet. This means there is also a Syrian Kurdish layer to this story.
With Ankara’s blessing Baghdad has now established an extra checkpoint between the Turkish and Kurdish sides of Ibrahim Khalil gate. It could, in theory, tax goods and services heading to the Kurdistan Region, and deprive Erbil of further revenues, and spike prices in KRG markets, too. But this also leaves Erbil with an advantage.
Knowing that Turkey wants a share of Iraq’s economy post ISIS, and given the fact that Erbil is in control of all border areas with Turkey, Erbil can introduce high tariffs on goods originating from Turkey and destined for Iraq-controlled areas, making it economically unviable. This will inflict billions of dollars of damage of Turkish trade with Iraq. While such a measure may prompt Iraq and Turkey to impose a blockade, it is unlikely as it will hurt Turkey—the exporter—even more because consumers in the Kurdistan Region have already lost much purchasing power due to an ongoing crisis. It will deny Turkey itself the Iraqi market where Turkish goods will be in demand.
All these, demand that the Kurdish Peshmerga are not going to cede control of any border area or territory along the Turkey border regardless of the cost militarily. It may cost the Kurdistan Region many lives, difficult times, and even kill any chance of peace with Baghdad, but in the end it is a price that should be paid. This is speaking the kind of language Turkey understands. The language of risks to its trade. The above scenario will deny Turkey the piece of the pie it hopes to win by siding—As a Sunni-majority country—with a Shiite-majority state.
Ankara will wait and see if the Iraqi military and the Hashd al-Shabai will be able to open a border with Turkey, or the Peshmerga will put the brakes on it all.  Turkey will at the end of the day deal with whoever holds the key to that gate.

Armenian Genocide film “The Promise” screened in Syria

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The Promise in Syria

“The Promise”, a feature film about the Armenian Genocide was screened in Damascus, Syria on Monday, October 31.

The war drama centers on a love story involving a medical student (Oscar Isaac), a journalist (Christian Bale), and the Armenian woman (Charlotte Le Bon) who steals their hearts. All three find themselves grappling with the Ottomans’ decision to begin rounding up and persecuting Armenians during the first genocide of the 20th century.

A number of officials from the Armenian embassy, Syrian parliament members, cultural figures and religious leaders attended the event.

Prior to the screening, ambassador Arshak Poladyan detailed the history of the Armenian Genocide and the Armenophobic policies that the Ottoman Empire was famous for at the time.

Poladyan then drew the attention of those present to Turkey’s anti-Armenian position and the denialist policy, adding, however, that the process of the international recognition of the Armenian Genocide has entered a whole new stage.

Sevan Nisanyan: Turkey is in the state of 1914

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Famous Istanbul writer of Armenian origin Sevan Nisanyan commented on the situation in Turkey.

“Turkey is in the state of 1914 and the end will be in 1918. I hope they will not show understanding this time,” Nisanyan said.

1914 marks the start of the First World War. This resulted in the surrender of Turkey in 1918 and division of the territory. Subsequently, Mustafa Kemal succeeded in establishing the Republic of Turkey.

ANCA-Sponsored Conference on Christians in the Middle East prioritizes justice for the Armenian Genocide

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In Defense of Christians (IDC) 2017 Summit, Aram Hamparian and U.S. VP. Mike Pence

Hundreds of Christian leaders, international religious freedom advocates, and human rights defenders held over 400 Congressional meetings calling on legislators to reject Turkey’s Armenian Genocide gag-rule and draw upon the lessons of this crime in preventing renewed atrocities against Christians and other at-risk religious minorities across the Middle East.
The advocates were gathered for In Defense of Christians (IDC) 2017 Summit, “American Leadership and Securing the Future of Christians in the Middle East,” cosponsored by the Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA), The Philos Project, and The Institute on Religion and Democracy (IRD).
The meetings, which included Christian clergy of many denominations and supporters of diverse nationalities and creeds, focused on the summit’s five-pronged advocacy agenda, including support of H.Res.220, a bipartisan measure seeks to apply the lessons of the Armenian Genocide in preventing new atrocities across the Middle East, as well as efforts to advance: security and stability in Lebanon; emergency relief for victims of genocide in Iraq and Syria; allies and accountability in the Middle East; and, legal punishment for ISIS, al-Qaeda and other perpetrators of genocide.

A highlight of the IDC 2017 Summit was the announcement that the U.S. will open a new channel of direct U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) assistance, administered by faith-based groups and other non-government organizations, to help persecuted Christians and other at-risk Middle East populations. The policy shift, long sought by the ANCA, IDC and a broad range of coalition partners and Congressional allies was announced Wednesday evening by Vice-President Mike Pence at the IDC 2017 National Advocacy Summit Fourth Annual Solidarity Dinner.
“We will no longer rely on the United Nations alone to assist persecuted Christians and minorities in the wake of genocide and the atrocities of terrorist groups,” announced Vice-President Pence. “The United States will work hand-in-hand from this day forward with faith-based groups and private organizations to help those who are persecuted for their faith. […] We stand with those who suffer for their faith because that’s what Americans have always done, because the common bond of our humanity demands a strong response.”
His Beatitude Moran Mor Bechara Boutros al-Rai, the Maronite Patriarch of Antioch and all the East and His Beatitude John Yazigi, Greek Orthodox Patriarch of Antioch and All the East had traveled from the Middle East to offer first-hand accounts of the plight of Christians in the region. Armenian faith leaders at the conference included His Eminence Archbishop Oshagan Choloyan, Prelate of the Prelacy of the Armenian Apostolic Church of Eastern USA, Rev. Berdj Jambazian, Minister of Union of the Armenian Evangelical Church of North America and Mr. Zaven Khanjian, Executive Director and CEO of the Armenian Missionary Association of America.

Armenia Vayots Dzor receive 3D Scanning and Digitization Program “My Armenia Program”

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The My Armenia Program has launched a project with CyArk, a California-based non-profit organization that uses new technologies to capture, archive and share the world’s cultural heritage with the global community. In Armenia, CyArk will be scanning the historical Noravank monastery and the Areni-1 cave complex in Vayots Dzor province, as well as design products that promote and share Armenia’s cultural heritage in and beyond the country. These two iconic sites are, respectfully, of historical and archaeological significance.

Thanks to new virtual reality (VR) headsets, visitors are now able to virtually experience the magnitude and beauty of a heritage site, captured in every detail by CyArk’s scanning devices. Through motion tracking tools, users not only see the site but are also able to move virtually through the site and explore the surrounding area. These kind of virtual experiences are great for presentations during public events such as travel trade fairs, museums and educational institutions in order to interest and engage tour operators, researchers and other interested parties in the opportunities and experiences Armenia can offer. The My Armenia Program and CyArk will collaborate to design virtual and visual products that will be showcased at museum exhibits, including the 2018 Smithsonian Folklife Festival in Washington, D.C., as well as trade shows, marketing and investment events. CyArk will also process the acquired data to develop photorealistic virtual reality experiences to allow visitors appreciate Armenia’s unique cultural heritage, thus increasing global awareness of Armenia as a cultural tourism destination.

As part of My Armenia’s partnership with CyArk, a four-day workshop was also held at the Tumo Center for Creative Technologies for students and cultural heritage and architecture specialists. The training provided an overview of the three technological tools – photogrammetry, aerial imagery, and 3D scanning – CyArk will employ to document the Areni-1 cave complex and the Norovank monastery. Workshop activities included hands-on training with the equipment, scanning of sample sites in Yerevan, and data processing. Participants reviewed the captured data and learned about software applications for development of tourism materials such as virtual tours and videos. Workshop participants were also invited to follow CyArk’s field activities in Vayots Dzor to help promote the sustainability of such activities in the future.

The My Armenia program is funded by USAID and implemented by the Smithsonian Institution. My Armenia supports the sustainability of Armenian cultural heritage through the development of an inclusive and dynamic tourism sector that engages and benefits Armenian communities across the country.

For more information, please contact: Nune Hayrapetyan, My Armenia Program Communications Specialist at +37455050168 and hayrapetyann@si.edu;

Please also check out facebook.com/MyArmeniaProgram/ and    folklife.si.edu/cultural-sustainability/my-armenia/Smithsonian.

Turkey detains philanthropist over links to US-based opposition leader

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Turkish philanthropist businessman and activist Osman Kavala

Turkish philanthropist businessman and activist Osman Kavala

Turkish officials have formally arrested a philanthropist businessman and peace activist on charges of affiliation to a movement led by US-based opposition cleric Fethullah Gulen, whom the Ankara government accuses of having masterminded the failed July 2016 coup attempt.

Turkey’s official Anadolu news agency reported that on Wednesday, an Istanbul court found Osman Kavala guilty of attempts to “abolish the constitutional order” and “remove the government of the Turkish Republic.”

Kavala, who is the chairman of Istanbul-based Anadolu Kültür Association, was arrested at Istanbul Atatürk Airport late on October 18. He had been spending time in police custody ever since.

Kavala is the latest activist to be held in a massive Turkish government crackdown in the aftermath of last year’s failed coup.

During the botched putsch, a faction of the Turkish military declared that it had seized control of the country and the government of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan was no more in charge. The attempt was, however, suppressed a few hours later.

Ankara has since accused Gulen of having orchestrated the coup. The opposition figure is also accused of being behind a long-running campaign to topple the government via infiltrating the country’s institutions, particularly the army, police and the Judiciary.

Additionally, the Ankara government has outlawed his movement, and has branded it as the Fetullah Terrorist Organization (FETO).

Gulen has denounced the “despicable putsch” and reiterated that he had no role in it.

“Accusations against me related to the coup attempt are baseless and politically motivated slanders,” he said.

The 76-year-old cleric has also called on Ankara to end its “witch hunt” of his followers, a move he said is aimed at “weeding out anyone it deems disloyal to President Erdogan and his regime.”

Turkish officials have frequently called on their US counterparts to extradite Gulen, but their demands have not been taken heed of.

Turkey, which remains in a state of emergency since the coup, has been engaged in suppressing the media and opposition groups suspected to have played a role in the failed coup.

Tens of thousands of people have been arrested in Turkey on suspicion of having links to Gulen and the failed coup. More than 110,000 others, including military staff, civil servants and journalists have been sacked or suspended from work over the same accusations.

The international community and rights groups have been highly critical of the Turkish president over the massive dismissals and the crackdown.

Harut Sassounian: Delighted to report that Azeri officials read my columns and follow my advice

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Back in August 2013 I wrote a column headlined: “Baku’s Blacklist of Artsakh Visitors Helps Armenia, Hurts Azerbaijan,” explaining the foolishness of Azeri officials blacklisting anyone who visits Nagorno Karabagh (Artsakh) without Azerbaijan’s permission. I stressed that blacklisting visitors to Artsakh from around the world was a disservice to the interests of Azerbaijan in the first place, because the blacklist isolated Azerbaijan from the rest of the world! In fact, the larger the number of blacklisted people — many of them prominent individuals and high-ranking officials — the more Azerbaijan deprives itself of such important visitors.

In my 2013 column, after quoting several famous individuals who ridiculed being blacklisted by Azerbaijan, I suggested that my name be also added to the blacklist since I had gone to Artsakh and written a column about my visit. Amazingly, shortly after my suggestion, the government of Azerbaijan added my name to the blacklist: “Harut Sassounian, Syrian-American journalist of Armenian descent.” Since then, I visited Artsakh again!

I must add that many years ago, while Papa Aliyev was the President of Azerbaijan, he invited me through intermediaries to Baku to meet with him and discuss the Nagorno Karabagh conflict. Of course, I declined the invitation. I even turned down Pres. Heydar Aliyev’s offer to meet with him in a third country, such as the UK, if I did not want to come to Azerbaijan. I turned down that suggestion too. So, now that I am on the black list, Azerbaijan’s foreign ministry has deprived their President of the ability to invite me to Baku!

There are more than 700 names on the Azeri blacklist, including parliament members, businessmen, journalists, entertainers, elected officials and other celebrities. The latest visitor to Artsakh to be blacklisted is Anthony Bourdain, who is the host of a world famous CNN food show. Last week, he went to Armenia and Artsakh to do a TV program on the Armenian cuisine in both countries, and Azerbaijan immediately declared him persona non grata!

Bourdain’s name was added to the blacklist “for his disrespect of Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity and sovereignty,” Hikmet Hajiyev, Azeri Foreign Ministry spokesman, told Agence France-Presse. “Filming a food show on Azerbaijan’s occupied territory is an insult to one million Azerbaijani refugees who were forcefully expelled from their homes,” Hajiyev added. This makes no sense. The only thing Azeri officials were able to accomplish is prevent Bourdain from going to Azerbaijan and prepare a CNN show on the Azeri cuisine, which would have provided a lot of publicity for the country!

Azerbaijan’s black list has several major shortcomings:

1) So far, there are only 700 names on the black list, whereas, over the years, several hundred thousand tourists have visited Artsakh from around the world. While the names of all visitors to Artsakh are not publicly known, certainly much more than 700 visitors have gone to Artsakh! It appears that someone at Azerbaijan’s Foreign Ministry is sleeping on the job.

2) Why is it that of the 700 names on the black list, there is not a single citizen of Armenia? While the names of regular visitors from Armenia may not be known to Azeri officials, they surely know that the President, Prime Minister, and other high-ranking officials from the Republic of Armenia frequently visit Artsakh and their trips are well publicized. Could it be that Azerbaijan does not consider citizens of Armenia visiting Artsakh to be foreigners? Azerbaijan Foreign Ministry’s website acknowledges that “Nagorno-Karabagh” is “temporarily out of the control of the Republic of Azerbaijan.” Is it possible that Azerbaijan now considers Artsakh to be permanently “out of the control of the Republic of Azerbaijan?”

3) Very few of the blacklisted visitors have complained about not being able to visit Azerbaijan. On the contrary, many of them have expressed their pride that their names are on Azerbaijan’s black list. Even more shocking, several individuals, not seeing their names on the black list after visiting Artsakh, have asked that they be added to the black list because they consider being on that list a badge of honor!

To make matters worse, in recent months Azerbaijan has requested that other countries extradite their citizens to Baku for having visited Artsakh. In one case, a journalist from Belarus was shamefully arrested and sent to Azerbaijan where he was jailed for several months! He was finally released after international pressure on Azerbaijan and condemnation by the European Council.

This is an abuse of power and export of Azeri oppression and intimidation to third countries which must be ashamed for collaborating with a despotic Azeri regime!

By Harut Sassounian
Publisher, The California Courier
www.TheCaliforniaCourier.com

Eastern Partnership summit statement ‘not legally binding’ – Richard Giragosian

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In an interview with Tert.am, Director of the Regional Studies Center Richard Giragosian commented upon EU Eastern Partnership’s summit statement, particularly the anti-Armenian wordings enshrined in the document.

Noting that the statment has no legally binding effect, the expert attributed the undesired formulations to Azerbaijan’s weaker positions on the diplomatic arena, as well as the EU’s interest to crown the summit with success.

Mr Giragosian, now that the Commissioner for European Neighborhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations Johannes Hahn announced the Agreement between EU and Armenia will be undoubtedly signed at the Eastern Partnership Summit, there are no doubts about the signing of the document. Doubts have now emerged over possible formulations. The available information suggests that there may be wordings potentially harming Armenia’s position on the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. Do you think the EU will support the principles of territorial integrity and inviolability of borders with respect to all the conflicts (taking it to account the fact that it will be in the interests of Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia)?

There has been some concern over the delay in preparing the new EU-Armenia Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement (CEPA) for signing at the 24 November EU summit in Brussels.  And while there is still some concern that the CEPA will possibly be delayed, attention has shifted away from the Agreement and to the summit declaration.

First of all, it is important to note that no matter what happens at the 24 November Brussels summit, any delay in signing does not impact the Agreement itself.  Armenia was able to regain European confidence and, in a rare “second chance,” was able to “initial” the new EU-Armenia Agreement in March 2017.   And this new EU-Armenia CEPA presents a fresh start for the deepening of relations between the two parties in the wake of Armenia’s abortive Association Agreement and related Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA). Despite a difficult and complicated context, both the EU and Armenia have demonstrated the necessary political will to negotiate a new compromise agreement that takes into account Armenia’s commitments and limitations as a member of the Eurasian Economic Union.

A second observation is that although Armenian diplomacy is and should be engaged in a constructive debate over the text of the accompanying declaration, the summit statement is not legally binding and the significance is limited.  In other words, although there is a risk of any text setting a new diplomatic precedent or influencing policy, the Agreement is far more important than the declaration.  For that reason, I am less concerned over any reference to either territorial integrity and even less worried about any “weakening” of the Karabakh issue.

And my lack of worry or concern also stems from the fact that the public standing and diplomatic prestige of Azerbaijan has been greatly weakened in recent months.  Months of serious scandals, cases of Azerbaijani-linked corruption and a series of new stories detailing Azerbaijani bribes of European officials have only eroded Azerbaijan’s position, which has thereby only lessened any danger or risk for Armenia and Karabakh.

Do you think Azerbaijan will try to fix the issue of territorial integrity and inviolability of borders in connection with all the conflicts? Will it succeed here?

This is a good question, mainly for one reason: Azerbaijan is not only unpredictable, but its “diplomatic strategy” is neither diplomatic nor strategic.  Rather, it is maximalist and lacks either logic or prudence, making any likelihood of success over the issues of territorial integrity and inviolability of borders a very difficult challenge for Azerbaijan.

We are aware of Azerbaijan’s earlier attempts to avoid signing the EaP summit declarations. What kind of acts we should expect this time?

Again, Azerbaijan is as unpredictable as it is emotional on these issues, and it lacks the necessary patience for diplomacy to succeed. For these reasons, they may try to engage in drama or theater, and may threaten to sabotage the summit, but this “bluff and bluster” will not work for the simple reasons that Azerbaijan is much weaker in the European diplomatic arena and, second, because the EU itself needs the summit to be a success.

Chairman of the National Assembly’s Standing Committee on Foreign Relations Armen Ashotyan noticeably had concerns over the wordings in the declaration. What should Armenia do to prevent the Azerbaijanis from realizing their goals? Do you think Armenia is working on it?

Although I am not fully aware of the detailed negotiations, for the reasons stated above, I am more confident of Armenia’s diplomatic capabilities and like Mr. Ashotyan, see the threat not from our own diplomatic corps but from questionable “friends” in the EU, like the case of Hungary, for one obvious example.  Nevertheless, it seems clear that Armenia will garner greater diplomatic dividends from the summit and will actually, through the CEPA, save and salvage the EU Eastern Partnership itself by delivering a rare success for the EU as seen in the new Armenia-EU strategic agreement.

 

 

China as Refuge for Armenian Genocide Survivors

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The Armenian community in Manchuli (1919) (Meltickian Collection at Fresno State University)

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In a letter to his brother Krikor,[2] who had arrived in Boston in 1914, Rev. Asadoor Z. Yeghoyan wrote from Kharpert, “Krikor you traveled all around the world, now you know by experience that the world is round, take care so you will not fall off it.”[3] The reverend’s words were not true, yet they were prophetic. At that point, Krikor had not traveled around the world—he had left the Ottoman Empire and crossed the Atlantic for the United States. However, Krikor returned to his home town shortly thereafter and was caught in the maelstrom of World War I. He survived the Armenian Genocide with the help of Kurds from Dersim and eventually arrived in the Caucasus. Yet conflict in the region kept pushing him eastward, until he reached China. In 1919, he finally arrived in the U.S. via Japan, with help from Diana Apkar, the honorary consul in Japan of the first Republic of Armenia. At that point, he had indeed traveled around the world. In this article, I present a brief history of the several thousand Armenians who, like Krikor, escaped the genocide and found safe haven in China.

Armenians in China (1880s-1950s)

Hundreds of Armenians, primarily from Russia, journeyed eastward to China in the late 19th century in search of opportunity, anchoring themselves in major cities, as well as in Harbin, a town that rose to prominence with the construction of the Chinese Eastern Railway.

Initially, Armenian railroad workers and merchants formed the core of the community in Harbin. Their numbers were small—no more than a few dozen. A larger number of Armenians lived in Manzhouli (Manchuli), which had risen to prominence in the early 20th century also thanks to railway projects. A group photograph of the Armenian community in Manzhouli (circa 1919) depicting around 150 men, women, and children, complete with the Armenian tricolor, stands as testament to the size of the Armenian community in the city.

A few thousand Armenians, including Yeghoyan, arrived in the region escaping genocide in Ottoman Turkey and turmoil in the Caucasus. Often, those who followed this path hoped to get to the United States. American missionary Ernest Yarrow encountered some 200 Armenian refugees in Vladivostok in late 1918, most of whom “have friends in America and are hoping in some way or other to get there.”[4] Yet most stayed in East Asia for years, even decades, helping build communities that thrived, despite conflicts, war, and foreign occupation.

Many of these Armenians coupled their personal success with a dedication to community life, helping develop small but vibrant communities. Despite conflicts, war, and foreign occupation that beset the history of China in the first half of the 20th century, Armenians built a church (Harbin), community centers (Harbin and Shanghai), and established relief organizations, choirs, and women’s groups. In the years following the 1949 Chinese revolution, Armenians fled the country (like most Christians in China) mainly in two directions: Soviet Armenia and the Americas.[5]

Garabed Meltickian was a survivor of the genocide who joined the stream of Armenian refugees traversing the Caucasus and Siberia all the way to China. Originally from Maden, Diyarbakir, Meltickian was conscripted into the Ottoman military in 1914 and dispatched to Erzincan. In 1915, he was among 120 Armenian soldiers who were handcuffed and taken away to be killed. He miraculously survived the carnage, was given shelter by Kurds, saved by advancing Russian troops, fought with Armenian forces in Kars, and after their withdrawal from the city, went to Tiflis, from there to Siberia, and finally arrived in Manchuria.[6]

Continue  reading : http://www.agos.com.tr/en/article/19035/china-as-refuge-for-armenian-genocide-survivors

Locals take Armenian Church in Van’s Aliaga village under protection

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Residents of Aliaga village in Van’s Bahcesaray region have taken the local Armenian church under protection, Akunq.net reports, quoting Mezopotamya Agency.

According to the source, the locals have also turned a vacant house into a “village hotel,” where visitors can stay free of charge.

Residents of the 7-household village have undertaken the maintenance of the “hotel” and are all cleaning it together. The hotel has two bedrooms, one living room,a kitchen and a bathroom.

The village imam Mehmet Vefa, who has been visiting the church for many years, has demanded that the authorities start a restoration work as soon as possible, stating that the church has come to the brink of destruction.

“We want Armenians to come to visit places of worship. We have a hotel where they will stay free if they come,” he said.

Aliaga is the highest village in the region, which makes it difficult to reach the church. Transportation is available on Mondays and Fridays. A walk to the village from Van city center will take two hours.

Source: http://www.armradio.am/en/2017/10/31/locals-take-armenian-church-in-vans-aliaga-village-under-protection/