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Davutoglu the hypocrite: for the Charlie Hebdo in Paris march & against Charlie Hebdo in Diyarbakır march?

January 25, 2015 By administrator

DİYARBAKIR – Doğan News Agency
Davutoglu-the- hypocritePrime Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu has greeted around 100,000 people who protested French magazine Charlie Hebdo in Diyarbakır, while also cheering for Turkish Hizbullah.

“The region suddenly has a reaction whenever a shameless act happens toward the Prophet Muhammad. I greet each and every brother who defends the Prophet Muhammad here,” Davutoğlu said during his speech at the ruling Justice and Development Party’s (AKP) provincial congress in Diyarbakır.

The Lovers of the Prophet Platform organized a two-hour long Jan. 24 protest at the central İstasyon Square with the participation of thousands of demonstrators coming from nearby towns.

Most speeches, banners and slogans, either in Turkish, Kurdish or Arabic, targeted Charlie Hebdo for publishing Prophet Muhammad cartoons. In reference to the “Je Suis Charlie” slogan, some banners read “I am Hizbullah in Kurdistan,” “I am Hamas in Palestine,” “I am Malcolm X in America” and “I am Imam Shamil in Chechnya.”

“As long as you are the enemies of Allah, we will be your enemies,” Free Cause Party (Hüda-Par) chair Molla Osman Teyfur said in his speech, vowing to “cut the tongue that talked against the prophet.”

Hüda-Par shares the same supporter base with Turkey’s Hizbullah, whose members are predominately Kurdish Islamists. The group was allegedly created by the state in the 1990s to fight the Kurdish separatist movement. Hizbullah and sympathizers of the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) have been engaging in clashes since the rise of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) last year.

Over 40 people were killed in 35 provinces on Oct. 6-7 during the worst unrest in the recent past, with most of those killed dying at the hands of Hizbullah supporters, who were allegedly backed by the security forces or the police.

Meanwhile, a group led by the Felicity Party (Saadet Partisi) marched in Ankara for the love of Prophet Muhammad and denounced terrorism on Jan. 25, according to state-run Anadolu Agency. Another group of around 300 people also marched in Eskişehir in protest of defamation against the Prophet Muhammad.

January/25/2015

Filed Under: News Tagged With: Charlie Hebdo, Davutoglu, Diyarbakir, Turkish Hizbullah

The Zoryan Institute Davutoglu: This gesture of denial policy will no longer be continued as long as the effects

January 23, 2015 By administrator

zorianPresident of the Zoryan Institute Greg Sarkissian, Ahmet Davutoglu, Hrant Dink’s response to the statement released by the death anniversary. Dink, the real killer is brought to justice, the other murders of Christian minorities, recalling how Davutoglu lawsuits Perinçek continue “to enhance mutual trust and cooperation can talk about,” he asked.

As far as transferring write a Human Rights Foundation of Turkey and Human Rights Association, Zoryan Institute, an organization of the International Genocide and Human Rights Studies Institutes in a joint letter documenting Perinçek racist and discriminatory actions in Perinchek case will be heard at the European Court of Human Rights in cooperation They presented.

Sarkissian’s full statement follows:

“Your Excellency Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoglu:

As you said, “Hrant Dink of us broke up eight years”, suddenly and cruelly, was severed from family and friends. Your sincere wishes do not come to us patience, because your government has failed even after all this time, or to bring to justice those responsible for the killing or unwilling to act.

I have roots in Anatolia, a Canadian citizen Armenian, Hrant Dink was one I gave my very value. My roots, our roots are still there, in the land of our ancestors, in Anatolia, Hrant in the summer and as always mentioned. Also see the duality between you install your Hrant’s Armenian heritage and loyalty to Turkey so extremely disturbing. Hyphenated loyalty and love to all the people of Anatolia Hrant’s ancestors – Turks, Kurds, Alevis, Armenians, Assyrians, Greeks, Jews, and all other people – was an integral part of their identity. Armenian heritage and there is a distinction between the countries with the loyalty of the people, did not need to make concessions in any way. Yet you with a biased assumption, you are saying it should be expected to yield a compromise between Turkey Hrant’s Armenian heritage and loyalty. The same assumption that ethnicity is what it is about someone who has never done Turkey, you accept what you say. Please remember that, these lands were his earth as you. This was also trying to Hrant’s statement. Unfortunately, they are the real killers, did not accept the message. That’s why they killed him.

In 1915, the anniversary of the assassination of Hrant shocking to see that the events are used as an opportunity to fade. Contrary to what you tell you, these events, “[s] Avash conditions referenced forced relocation policy in 1915, including [the cause] inhuman consequences”, not unlike the Armenian race all and even by a clear faith, the state apparatus to erase even the memory of the existence of the Armenian planned and implemented was the murder of 1.5 million Armenian citizens.

I, like you, will be established between the two peoples’ friendship and peace, “I hear the longing, all my heart” minds and open doors in the heart “I want to. So how can we achieve this? You, even after eight years, Dink’s actual killer, Ogun Samast or together to take photos in front of the Turkish flag in surrender to justice has not been paying the order entered, you can expect us how patience?

Hrant of January 19, 2015 the day that moment the death anniversary, a court in Turkey on 28 January about the denial of the Armenian Genocide in the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) Abilene attended the hearing will take place in case the lifting of the ban on travel to the East Perinçek abroad, how a show empathy format? The Government of Turkey Perinçek, namely in Turkey, Turkey’s court by you and convicted of being members of Ergenekon, defined as a terrorist organization armed determined to overthrow your own government man, how is advocating actually ECHR the denial of the Armenian Genocide “[k] arşılıkl the trust and cooperation of development [k] “You can talk about skin

PERİNÇEK threats

This person, then the Armenian Patriarch of Hrant’s assassination MUTAFYAN to, wrote a letter distributed in mosques demonstrated for Armenians in the funeral condemned the massive sympathy and a “war march against Turkey” as described. [1] in the Ergenekon case, the evidence, in May of 2007 by Perinchek sent to Armenian schools in Turkey, “Armenians in the tasks they have found our descent citizens, it is the desire to see as the defender of the Turkish state in social activities, against the separatists and defeatist thoughts now taking action of Armenian citizens our country is living compatriots and co-religionists of the born of necessity defense in the right direction, “otherwise,” how Armenians, how the census in the coffin was seen over time that there was Turkey again they will be obliged to make the Armenian citizen “was taking place in a letter from the threat. [2]

The Ergenekon case, the decision Istanbul court “Hrant Dink’s murder and [other Christian minorities] for murder among similarities carried out in different regions of Turkey” [3] found, that’s their prosecutors “different individual events not Ergenekon towards a common goal by Terrorist Organizations certain murders carried out in the framework of a plan “[4] that was supportive of the claim.

Requirements of the Istanbul court Talat Pasha Committee as well as the Ergenekon Perinçek in the terror organization “psychological warfare and propaganda” about the “leading role” is assumed that the Hrant Dink murder and other crimes, including anti-Armenian hatred and achieve that incite violence have the evidence taken into consideration, the government’s participation in the proceedings as interveners in this case on the side Perinçek is astonishing.

My hope is that one day the truth of historical consciousness is to strengthen humanitarian values ​​Turkey must clarify the power to demand your government to embrace historical facts and civil society more effectively. Here, Cengiz Aktar “2015 entering” is important to remember what you said in the column entitled:

(…) On the Armenian Genocide, the Great Catastrophe of Anatolia, is the mother of taboo in this land. Anglophone, is not known, to realize that, unless confronted, unless hesaplaşılması curse will continue to be upon us. To break the centennial memorization, to hear the other, and thus an opportunity to understand but to begin mass treatment.

Such full of wisdom and truth, read the lyrics, Turkey put me on the basis of continued denial of your government demonstrates the growing awareness in civil society. Turkey is a strong argument showing racism inherent in the Human Rights Association of the Armenian case, civil society, the effectiveness of these issues already shows in nature: “the genocide of other Christian ethnic Armenians and Anatolia in Turkey denial, how in the country anti-democratic, anti-freedom of thought, hate predispose to crime and the closest witnesses that create an environment that violate human rights [to resolve it] … As a result, in Turkey Armenians Republican history along the ‘fifth column’ treated, the discriminated against, on the Republican period after they were threatened by various nationalist uprising and massacre were forced to live in a constant fear of their lives. “

Moreover, two Turkish human rights organization, Zoryan Institute, an organization of the International Genocide and Human Rights Studies Institutes of cooperation by the European Court of Human Rights on the – on the denial of genocide – related to Perinchek case, Perinçek discriminatory and racist actions and Turkey and presented a joint letter documenting the statement against Armenians in Switzerland. Such cooperation strengthens the contact between the two communities and us really genuine “friendship and peace horizon” görütüy correctly.

“Armenian cultural heritage of the Ottoman / Turkish culture in a way they deserve to have Armenian figure valuable contributions and claiming strongly” could be a valuable gesture towards building confidence in your commitment, but this gesture, the government will lose its impact as long as the community’s official policy to deny the Armenian Genocide.

My wish, as the Prime Minister of your country that you change your vehicle, your government and country to bring to the side of the actual date of 1915. It is only when this truth known “to heal the wounds and to re-establish friendships” will be possible.

Best Regards,
KM Greg Sarkissian,
President of the Institute of Zorya “

[1] Vatan, 26 July 2007, “Perinçek MUTAFYAN letters were distributed in mosques” access address http://www.gazetevatan.com/perincek-in-mutafyan-a-mektubu-camilerde-dagitildi-105788-gundem/ .

[2] Ergenekon case and stamped No. 319 783 File added by the Prosecutor signed a three-page document, page 193, 194 and 1915; see also. Milliyet, 19 May 2007, “Armenian schools threatened”, the access address http://www.milliyet.com.tr/2007/05/19/guncel/gun08.htm

[3] Ergenekon case Reasoned Decision, Volume 2 (A), Opinions, 6.2, Opinion of the Ankara Chief Public Prosecutor, s.1720 / 6573.

[4] Zirve massacre case, the indictment, Chapter 1, “First Department of Assessment under the heading” p.23 / 1; see. http://haber.sat7turk.com/tag/zirve-iddianame-tam-metin/ ;

See also. Summit Publishing House Massacre Case, indictment, Chapter 1, p.85.

Filed Under: Genocide, News Tagged With: Davutoglu, dink, gesture, institute, zoryan

Turkey’s Davutoglu double standard fouling Assyrians

January 21, 2015 By administrator

By Augin Kurt Haninke

20141202191325(AINA) — The Turkish government is playing a double game with the Assyrian diaspora. On one hand, various Prime Ministers invite the Assyrians to return, on the other hand the government in Ankara prohibits “foreigners” from buying land or setting up subsidiaries in the province of Mardin — where Turkish Assyrians originate. In practice, the word “foreigners” is applied to Assyrians and other Christians. The same applies to the Greek Orthodox in the province of Hatay.

Since Turkey became a candidate for EU membership in 1999, the Turkish government has tried to win the Assyrians in the EU to its side. One purpose of the approach is to get the Assyrians to give up their demands for recognition of the Assyrian genocide (Seyfo in Assyrian) — especially now since the centenary commemoration is in 2015. During the 2000s, various Prime Ministers, such as Bulent Ecevit, Recep Tayyip Erdogan and now Ahmet Davutoglu, publicly called Assyrians abroad, whose number 500,000 in the EU, to get repatriate to Turabdin. In an article titled The Government has Pressed the Button for Reforms for the Assyrians, Turkish newspaper Sondakika wrote on November 27, 2014:

In February last year [2014] the Assyrians got the deeds to the monastery of Mor Gabriel, a second Jerusalem for them. Henceforth, the wishes of the Assyrians will be heeded. The Government will give the following message to the Assyrians; ‘If you return to your country and to your villages, you will receive all necessary assistance.’The information we have received from those responsible shows that the work on the Assyrians is now finished. If there has previously been any mistreatment, the state will correct it. The Assyrians who want to return will receive both land and financial help. The majority of Assyrians live in Mardin, from which most emigration has been occurred. The Assyrians returning to Mardin will receive assistance from the authorities when they want to start their own businesses.

Assyrians Are Prevented From Ownership

The entire article is sketchy, written without any reference lists and illustrated with an old picture of Assyrian bishops in meeting with Ahmet Davutoglu, former foreign minister. The newspaper Sondakika sounds rather like a megaphone directly to President Erdogan and Prime Minister Davutoglu. But let’s read the paragraph again. It is saying Assyrians will be awarded lands by the Turkish state. Does this refer to lands that Assyrians farmed for thousands of years, which were confiscated by the state?

But in October, 2008, the Erdogan-government issued decree forbidding those who do not have Turkish citizenship and new identification documents to buy, sell or hold real property in Mardin and Hatay. Foreigners may not establish subsidiaries in those two provinces for their existing companies abroad. The Assyrians are particularly affected by this decree because the majority of second and third generation Assyrian diaspora do not have the new ID documents or are no longer Turkish citizens. Hundreds of thousands of Assyrians in the EU cannot claim their ancestral lands and homes in Turabdin.

The Assyrians a Threat to National Security

The background to the government’s decision was likely a 2003 report called Mardin Raporu. The Mardin report was commissioned by the Islamist MP Mehmet Elkatmis (AKP), chairman of Parliament’s Human Rights Commission. The report’s authors had been commissioned to investigate the right of the Assyrians to education in their monasteries. The person who compiled the report was MP Resul Tossun, also member of the ruling party AKP. Ozcan Kaldoyo and Jacob Ruhyo, from the Assyrian-Chaldean-Syriac Association (http://old.acsatv.com/index.php?sid=3&usid=23&aID=186) drew the attention of the Swedish parliamentarians to the contents of the report in February 2003. The following is an excerpt from the Mardin report:

We have visited the Assyrian churches in the province of Mardin. We were informed that they have no right to education. There are two thousand Assyrians left in the area. We have written in our report that it is their right to give religious education and we add that the state should introduce subsidies for teaching. But we have also added a warning in the report. There are sixty thousand Assyrians registered in Mardin, but only two thousand live there. The others have moved to European countries, but they have not renounced their Turkish nationality. What attracted our attention is the Assyrians living in Europe who have bought a frightening amount of land [in Mardin]. We have written that the Assyrians may pose a future potential threat to Turkey…The Commission’s assessment is the Assyrians, like Armenians living abroad, are a potential threat to national unity. Assyrians may in the future try to reclaim the land.

The statement that the Assyrians returned to their home areas to buy land was not true. They just tried to register their ancestral lands in their name. Mehmet Elkatmis visited Sweden later in the fall of 2003. He attended a meeting in the Parliament on November 21, 2003 on Turkey and the future Europe and focus on human rights. I covered the conference for Swedish Radio. When the audience was invited to ask questions, Ozcan Kaldoyo said:

After your visit and surveys in south eastern Turkey and the Turabdin area you have written a report called Mardin Raporu. There you write that the Assyrian community has started to buy land and property in the area and that this constitutes a danger to the Turkish nation and the state. How is it that a small group of 2000 people can be a danger to a nation of 80 million?

Mehmet Elkatmis first denied that such a report existed, even though Kaldoyo had downloaded it from the Turkish parliament’s website. Then Kaldoyo gave two copies of the report to the Swedish MPs and other organizations that showed interest. Next day the report was removed from the Turkish Parliament’s website.

During the lunch break we had the opportunity to interview the Turkish representatives. Suddenly they acknowledged the report’s existence but said that there had been an error in the website’s administration. The report was apparently not meant to be published but had been posted by “mistake.”

On October 27, 2008 the government of Erdogan decided, as stated above, that “persons of foreign origin” would be banned from ownership of property in Mardin province. The decision says:

For the sake of the common interest and because of national security the province of Mardin as a whole is proclaimed as an area where physical persons of foreign origin or legal persons in the form of companies registered in accordance with their respective countries’ rules, have no right to hold real property. Therefore, such an application from physical or legal persons of foreign origin is rejected in Mardin.

This was as late as 2008, when Turabdin’s lands had already been registered by their Assyrian owners. Anyone who did not have Turkish citizenship and valid credentials would not continue to use his ownership right. In the autumn of 2012, I asked a lawyer in Turkey about the reason for this prohibition. By that time I had no knowledge of the government decision from 2008. The lawyer replied that the authorities justified it with the statement that the provinces of Mardin and Hatay are located on the Syrian border. For safety reasons, foreign nationals may not own real property in those provinces. But that argument falls short when looking at a map. Turkey has a border with Syria which is nearly a thousand kilometers. Other provinces, such as Urfa (formerly Edessa), are also located along the border. Why can a foreigner purchase property in Urfa but not in Mardin? Most likely the ban targets Christian areas. In Urfa there no longer are any Christians. They emigrated to Syria in 1924 after the Republic’s constitution and with the genocide fresh in their memory.

Land Registration Leads to Confiscation

In the early 2000s the Turkish Land Survey began a comprehensive project to record country estates in Turabdin and other areas where land registers were missing. It was part of the adjustment for the EU criteria as a candidate country. Turkey received generous contributions both for this purpose and to build up its infrastructure. The consequence was, however, that a large part of the Assyrian lands in Turabdin was confiscated under the pretext that it is considered forest. Only the forest authority of the state has the right to own forest in Turkey, which in itself would be contrary to the legislation of EU. In Sweden and other countries in the EU a private person has the right to own forest land. Why should it be banned in Turkey? I have not heard that anyone in the EU has discussed this matter with the Turkish government. The question is whether the EU Commission is aware of this ban and how it affects Assyrian and other EU citizens.

To illustrate how the seizure has gone, we can give my home village Anhel as an example. The summer of 2001 Anhel was the first village in Turabdin to initiate registration of the village estates on its owner. By that time only eight older Assyrian couples were left in the village. The rest were Kurds. 40 Kurdish families from a neighbouring village moved to Anhel. These families desired to take over the Assyrian property permanently but were not allowed.

A group of officials from the Turkish Land Survey worked for about two years to measure and record homes, farmlands and vineyards. All other land where trees and shrubs grew and other grazing land was registered to the state, in Turkish called Hazine (Treasury). The problem was that a large part of the village’s land, including vineyards, had lain fallow for a couple of decades since the Assyrians had emigrated. Cropland and grazing land which is not cultivated grow again. The corrupt officials took advantage of this opportunity to register more than half of the village’s land to the state. I say corrupt, because they subjected the villagers to blackmail and got about half a million Swedish crowns by Anhel associations abroad, despite the fact that registration should be free.

In 2003 their work was completed and the year after we were many who applied for registration of title documents of the local authority in Midyat. Even then we had to pay bribes to get the documents. I myself was one of them. But the registration had not gone quite right, although knowledgeable villagers had pointed out the respective property and identified its owner. Turkish law says an owner can report errors and get them corrected in a local court for a period of ten years after title deeds have been determined. But about the Forest Service we could not do anything. The state was now the owner of valuable land which the Assyrians had for hundreds of years. Not to mention the mountain of Izlo where dense oak covers the whole area.

All this is now all of a sudden state property and the state can at any time put it up for sale — which is what has happened. Buyers who are friends with officials have acquired land at far below its market price. This has happened both in Anhel and elsewhere in Turabdin. Here I want to give credit to Anhel’s current Muhtar (Mayor) Mahsum Kucukaslan. He is a Kurd from the village and calls upon the villagers to establish a joint application to Ankara and require that the village’s confiscated land (not including forest) returned to its owners, even though it has been more than ten years. If the Ankara government is not willing to meet villagers’ demands, they may proceed to the European Court, says Mahsum Kucukaslan. But in the time of writing, no such request has been made.

Buy Your Own Confiscated Land

In 2013 the government issued a temporary law that makes it possible for owners to buy back the farmland that has fallen into state ownership. If the owner can prove that he has tilled it regularly, he may buy it at a reduced price. The law on repurchase has been extended on a few occasions and is valid until April 2015. This means that we should buy our own land confiscated by the state. My family decided to buy back a number of fields and a vineyard which together comprise about 70,000 square meters. My brother recently went to Turabdin to check the possibilities to buy back both the relevant fields and the vineyard. But the director of title deeds authority in Midyat showed him a satellite image of the fields through Google maps and said the fields were not ploughed before 2010. Therefore, it will be difficult to prove the fields have been cultivated. My brother said that the family lives abroad and has not had the opportunity to cultivate the land. But the manager advised him not to pursue expensive lawsuits without prospect of victory. In addition, the fields retrospectively were classified as forest land. It is nearly impossible to buy back such land. We decided to not initiate a lawsuit.

But our application for vineyard is submitted. The requirement is that it is ploughed, the vines trimmed and the earth well-maintained in every detail. Two witnesses also need to prove that we are the owners. It costs us a lot of money and energy and the outcome is still uncertain. The authorities can find always excuses to reject our application. But not make an attempt would be a betrayal of our great grandmother Setto (my father’s grandmother), who bought a lot of land adjacent to ours every time a relative or neighbour wanted to sell. She lived a hard life because she was a widow with two small children to support. She sold what little of value she had — her wedding dress and gold necklace — to buy agricultural land. She ploughed and harvested all fields and vineyards by hand for 44 years after she had been widowed in 1912. For this reason, my family owns a lot of land in Anhel. My mom, who also became a widow at an early age, continued in grandmother Settos footsteps and cultivated the same property until we moved to Sweden in the mid 1970s. Grandmother Setto died at an advanced age in 1978, and has left the earth in our hands as a precious heritage, but circumstances forced both us and many other Assyrians into exile.

Kurdish Local Politicians Occupying the Monastery Land

Now Turkish governments call on us to come back in an attempt to appear as benevolent democrats towards the EU. But experience shows that it is a game. In reality it is the same old policy of discrimination and denial. In fact, it seems not only Turkish but also Kurdish politicians would prefer that the Assyrian Christians are not welcome back to Turabdin. Even local Kurdish politicians refuse to return confiscated Assyrian land, e.g in case of monastery of St. Augin, where about 300 hectares of valuable land is farmed by Kurdish families in Gremira, located outside the monastery. That means three million square meters of fertile soil in the irrigated plains where every meter is worth gold. The association Mor Augin in Sweden in recent years has tried to get the local Kurdish party BDP’s mayor in Gremira, with the help of Mardin’s mayor Ahmet Turk, to return the land but without result. At the national level the association’s representatives meet better response, but when push comes to shove, the leadership of BPD do not dare to break with the Kurdish clans occupying the land — whose voices and influence is more valuable for the Kurdish party of BDP.

Systematic Discrimination in the Population Register

Another systematic discrimination of the Assyrians is made by the Registry Office in Midyat. When the names citizens were entered into the database, many Assyrians had their names misspelled in the strangest ways. My mother is in my papers spelled correctly Rihani, but in my siblings’ acts it is Rihami. My father Circis has become Cercis. Niece Nisha Rima has become Misharima. My grandfather Barsavmo has become Barsom, Barsavum or Barsavmo in his various children’s acts. This may sound harmless. But it is of great importance when the ownership of land and property has to be changed or fixed. All this is really unnecessary work. You just have to go back to the civil registry books and check the spelling. But it is not done and causing so much trobble for the Assyrians in Sweden and elsewhere.

The extent of misspelled names and arbitrary changes in the population register indicates that it is done with the scheme to deprive the Assyrians their right to property. Not everyone has the ability or energy to go to court and get their name corrected. You cannot claim your inheritance unless the spelling is correct. And then the property will be confiscated by the state.

That is the situation of the Assyrians out in a time where both Turkish leaders and Kurdish parties are trying to get us on their side in their political tussle. But it’s a hard choice that very few Assyrians want to make. All we want is to live in peace with our neighbours and get access to our lands. The political rule we leave to others. It has been the Assyrian people’s wishes for centuries and it is the same today, although the majority are living outside the borders of Turkey.

Filed Under: Articles Tagged With: assyrians, Davutoglu, fouling, Turkey

The snake oil sales-man and Architect of neo-ottoman Davutoğlu back again to foul Armenian

January 20, 2015 By administrator

Davutoglu foul armenia

Ankara, January 20, 2015 (AFP) – Prime Minister of Turkey Ahmet Davutoglu Islamic-conservative proposed to Armenia a “fresh start” to appease the serious tensions between the two countries about the Armenian massacres perpetrated there a hundred years ago by the Ottoman Empire in 1915.

Davutoglu held that it was “possible for two old, to have the maturity to understand and to look to the future together” in a written statement released the day after the anniversary of the death of the famous Turkish-Armenian journalist Hrant Dink, who was murdered in 2007 in Istanbul.

“Turks and Armenians, who share the same geography and long history, must be able to talk about their problems and together find a way to solve them,” he added. Unlike many other countries, Turkey refuses to recognize the qualification of genocide in the killings of hundreds of thousands of Armenians by the Ottoman Empire during the First World War.

Ankara is content to describe the deaths of approximately 500,000 people (against 1.5 million according to Armenia), who had sided with his enemy Russia in fighting or because of famines.

In April 2014, the current Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan had offered unprecedented condolences for the Armenian victims, speaking of a “joint pain”. But earlier this month, he formally ruled out any recognition of the genocide.

“Turkey shares the suffering of Armenians and made efforts, with patience and determination to restore the sympathy between our two peoples,” said Mr Davutoglu by invoking the “spirit” of Hrant Dink.

Several thousand people marched in Istanbul Monday to honor the memory of the murdered journalist, who worked for the Turkish-Armenian reconciliation.

Erdogan has sparked a new controversy last week by inviting Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan the ceremonies of Gallipoli centenary of the Battle of April 24, the day commemorating the genocide of the Armenians.

Sarkisian opposed him dry end of inadmissibility, the will of accusing “distract the world” ceremonies scheduled in Yerevan. Turkey and Armenia do not have diplomatic relations.

Filed Under: Genocide, News Tagged With: armenian genocide, Davutoglu, fresh-start

Kurdish state would ‘endanger the region’ Turkish premier Davutoglu says

January 15, 2015 By administrator

Turkish-Prime-Minister-Ahmet-Davutoglu-Reuters.jpg.pagespeed.ce.YKKd1sc9CFANKARA, Turkey,— A Kurdish state would pose a danger to the region, Turkish Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoglu said in an interview with a German newspaper.

“A Kurdish independent state will endanger the region and turn it into chaos,” he told the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung daily.

“Changing frontiers will bring about fighting between the neighboring countries, that is why it is better the frontiers remain as they are,” he added, in response to a question about Turkish fears of a Kurdish state in the Middle East.

Turkey has strong economic and political ties with its neighboring autonomous Kurdistan Region, but it has remained opposed to Erbil’s aspirations of independence from Iraq.

For decades, successive Turkish governments have had strained relations with the country’s estimated 15 million Kurdish minority, but last March the government began a peace process with the Kurds that has largely lagged due to foot dragging by Ankara.

Referring to Turkey’s Kurds, Davutoglu said that “everyone in Turkey has the right to participate in the political process.”

He added that, “The different communities living in Turkey are satisfied with our political system.”

Although Turkey has lifted a ban on the Kurdish language and allowed it to be taught at private schools, it still has not responded to demands that Kurdish children be taught their own language at public schools.

Filed Under: Articles Tagged With: danger, Davutoglu, Kurdish state, Turkey

‘Davutoğlu, the AKP and the pursuit of regional order’

January 14, 2015 By administrator

William ARMSTRONG – william.armstrong@hdn.com.tr

foreign policy‘Turkey’s New Foreign Policy: Davutoğlu, the AKP and the Pursuit of Regional Order’ by Aaron Stein (Routledge, 105 pages, $42)

It’s just as well to state at the outset that this slim new volume on Turkey’s foreign policy in the Middle East immediately becomes the new standard bearer on the subject. In it, author Aaron Stein describes how Ankara’s regional policy over the last decade has undergone a dramatic shift, overseen by current Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu, a former foreign minister and adviser to Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Examining the worldview expressed in Davutoğlu’s much vaunted academic writings, and how this has (or has not) been applied since 2002, the book argues that Turkey’s support for change in the region in recent years is highly conditional. The government is convinced of its principled righteousness, but its policy is also based on calculations aimed at furthering a particular AKP-centered understanding of Turkey’s national interests. Although a longer text could have extended the range across a broader set of examples, Stein – an associate fellow at the Royal United Services Institute – makes a convincing case in little over 100 pages.

With a few exceptions, the Turkish Republic’s regional policy after its foundation as a separate state in 1923 was defined by its preference for non-intervention and neutrality in the areas that had formed part of the Ottoman Empire. This was based on the mantra of first president Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, “peace at home, peace in the world” – risk-aversion seemed to be the most logical foreign policy when nation-building at home was the priority. However, the AKP marked a sharp change of course after coming to power in 2002, with Davutoğlu adopting a proactive foreign policy aimed at expanding Turkey’s zone of influence in the Middle East. In his 2001 book “Strategic Depth” (which had its 100th print run last year), the former professor articulated a vision drawing on Turkey’s geography, economic power and imperial history to reconnect with its historical “hinterland” in the former Ottoman territories. For Davutoğlu, previous Turkish decision making was flawed because it was based on a shallow interpretation of Turkey’s geography and history. In contrast, he believes that post-Cold War Turkey has “a unique opportunity to expand its influence and create strategic depth” as a “center state.”

Among the prime minister’s acolytes, there is a sense that Turkey’s republican non-intervention in the region is essentially an oppressive Western imposition of the 20th century, coming after the Ottoman Empire’s dismemberment by the European powers. This interpretation of geopolitics “is based on an assumption that the spread of Western power into the Balkans, Central Asia and the Middle East is incongruent with Turkish national interests and must be reversed.” Stein suggests that Davutoğlu draws on pan-Islamism as a source of communal strength and political legitimacy, repeatedly referring to the concepts of “Tawhid” (the oneness of God) and “Tanzih” (the purity of God) in his writings. This is combined with inspiration from a number of almost-forgotten German geopolitical theorists from over a century ago, and the result is a fundamental rejection of the current world order. Davutoğlu believes that if Turkey establishes itself as a global power it will be able to “play a significant role in creating new global institutions that are more in keeping with the world’s different ‘civilisations’ or cultures.”

Nevertheless, the AKP’s foreign policy implementation from 2002-2011 proved to be highly pragmatic. Ankara formed alliances with a number of status quo-favoring autocrats, seeking to bolster its influence with neighboring regimes and boost economic ties by lifting visa restrictions and emphasizing common culture and history. As Stein writes, this much vaunted “zero problems with neighbors” strategy was based more on realpolitik than Davutoğlu’s concept of strategic depth, but it was “largely guided by [Ankara’s] expectation that, eventually, this status quo would be swept away as governments more representative of the masses came to power across the region.” The AKP therefore opted to focus on areas that would deepen its influence, maneuvering itself into a strong position as it anticipated the eventual demise of the Arab world’s political order.

However, when protests in its Arab neighbors broke out in late 2010, Turkey was taken by surprise. Its initial policies were as cautious as the rest of the world, and varied across different countries, but over time Ankara began to fully incorporate elements of Davutoğlu’s “strategic depth” in response to the rapid changes. After nearly a decade wedded to realpolitik, the AKP eventually came to feel that the Arab upheavals had provided the opportunity to create a new regional order with Turkey at the center. In Stein’s words, “This understanding of regional affairs was based on the belief that the era of European-inspired political and ethnic nationalism was a historical anachronism in the Middle East – destined to fail and be replaced with governments more representative of the ‘Muslim masses.’” For Davutoğlu, those governments that adopted Western constructs will be “replaced by more representative governments that embrace Tawhid as the source of their political legitimacy.”

In practice, this meant backing Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated parties across the Arab world. The second part of the book offers case studies of Ankara’s policy toward a number of key states before and after the Arab Spring – including Egypt, Syria, Libya and Tunisia – where the details differ greatly but the essential similarity has been Ankara’s support for the Brotherhood. In places where the opposition forces are not Sunni groups affiliated with the Brotherhood, Turkey has shown little interest.

The limits of this approach have since become apparent. Although Turkey could credibly present itself as a neutral actor in the region seeking to strike accommodations with varied political groups from 2002 to 2011, it has since been perceived as an outside actor pushing a particular agenda via the democratic process. In Stein’s account, “the AKP’s policy towards the Arab upheavals therefore cannot be described as an effort to promote democracy or to stand by the people against state oppression. Instead, it has been far more nuanced, based on assumptions made about a changing regional order and how the upending of the Arab world’s political status quo would benefit the AKP.” Erdoğan’s repeated waving of the four-fingered Rabia sign at electoral rallies may be sincerely felt, but it is also highly opportunistic.

The Turkish government has tied its foreign policy to the success of one particular political group, but putting all its eggs into the Brotherhood basket has ultimately limited its influence. Today, the trajectory of Middle Eastern politics places Ankara at odds with many of its neighbors. Turkey finds itself with little influence at a time when many of the region’s conflicts touch directly on its core interests – a situation spun memorably last year by Davutoğlu’s political advisor İbrahim Kalın as “precious isolation.” Stein writes that no major changes should be expected in the foreseeable future. Despite their regional marginalization, Turkish policymakers have doubled down and remain committed to their post-2011 foreign policy. The AKP believes that it is playing the long game and its “principled” foreign policy decisions will ultimately pay off once regional countries inevitably return to electoral politics and the pressure for political change begins anew. Time will tell.

January/15/2015

Filed Under: Articles, Books Tagged With: AKP, Davutoglu, regional order

France Republican: Armenians condemn the participation of Turkish Prime Minister

January 11, 2015 By administrator

Davutoglu-France-ISIS(Belga) The coordination of several Armenian organizations in France on Saturday condemned the announced participation of Turkish Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoglu to the “republican march” organized in Paris on Sunday after the deadly attack against Charlie Hebdo.

“Participation in this event of representatives of a State which holds the record number of journalists in prison is a disgrace and an insult to the spirit of Charlie Hebdo,” said the National Office of Coordination Council of Armenian Organizations of France , in a statement. “All the more so with Turkey to the jihadist movement (Al Qaeda and Daech) which exported terror in Paris is now an open secret,” also accuses the organization. Organizations defending human rights regularly denounce arrests of journalists in Turkey. Turkish police launched during December 1st punch operation against supporters of the Islamist imam Fehtullah Gullen, a former ally of power, especially to the Zaman newspaper, one of the major Turkish dailies. Thirty people, mostly journalists, were arrested. The European Union has denounced these operations, saying they violated “European values” that Turkey, which aspires to join the EU, is supposed to follow. (Belga)

With 97 imprisoned journalists, Turkey was designated “biggest prison for journalists ahead of Iran, Eritrea and China,” the Committee to Protect Journalists for (CPJ). According to Le Monde Diplomatique, “the power (Turkish) does not hesitate to use the entire arsenal of repression: arrests, seizure of equipment and hard drives …. Journalists are then locked in medieval conditions. “And the Prime Minister Davutoglu dare come to Paris defend freedom of the press!

On the other hand, the Turkish government has decided to support the jihadists from Syria, even those who spread terror in northern Iraq practicing a true ethnic cleansing in August, including summary executions and mass systematically kidnapping against minorities, including Christians, Shia Turkmen, Yazidis …. They raise the same racist and obscurantist ideology that those who committed the crime against Charlie or against Jewish shop Porte de Vincennes.

MRAP also condemns the presence of Avigdor Lieberman, founder and leader of the far-right party “Israel Beiteinu.” Customary racist remarks of unprecedented violence and incitement to racial hatred, Avigdor Lieberman called “bombing the Gaza Strip as the United States did with the Japanese.” In addition, it displays ultra-nationalistic and fascist, advocated the expulsion of Israeli Arab citizens, and openly rejects international law and the principle of a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders.

No, gentlemen Davutoglu and Lieberman, Netanyahu, Naftali Bennet who “has no problem killing Arabs,” Sergei Lavrov, Petro Poroshenko (and others), your place is not in the Marche citizen of Paris but before international courts. This participation guaranteed by the French government, is an insult to Charlie journalists who have always fought all fascism whether nationalist or religious. We do not defend freedom with the enemies of freedom! “Sometimes laughter is choking but it’s our only weapon,” said Cabu today our laughter chokes face this diversion of citizen momentum.

Sunday, January 11, 2015,
Stéphane © armenews.com

Filed Under: News Tagged With: Charlie Hebdo, Davutoglu, Turkish PM

The Architect of Islamic state (ISIS) Davutoglu will be in Sunday demonstration in Paris

January 10, 2015 By administrator

A typical of Turkish rolling elites they know how to kiss and kill. It was Turkish government who set the standard of assassination of the journalist example HRANT DINK 2007, it is in Turkey hundreds of journalist are in Jail. emphasis gagrulenet

Davutoglu-NATO-ISISTurkish Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoglu will participate in Sunday’s demonstration in Paris against terrorism, organized after the attack against Charlie Hebdo, told the Anatolia news agency. “Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoglu will attend the Paris event to mark its solidarity with the French people,” said Anatolia. Davutoglu intends to display alongside German Chancellor Angela Merkel and British Prime Minister David Cameron. Davutoglu will be the most important leader of a predominantly Muslim country attended the event. His presence has been decided as relations between Turkey and the European Union have been strained in recent times, especially after accusations of erosion of civil liberties and the press since the arrival to the presidency in August former Prime Minister Christian-Conservative Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

Istanbul, January 10, 2015 (AFP) –

 

Filed Under: News Tagged With: Charlie Hebdo, Davutoglu, ISIS, Paris

Turkey’s AKP Davutoglu pits Kurd against Kurd

January 9, 2015 By administrator

TURKEY-KURDS-UNRESTAs Turkey’s Kurdish peace process seems to devolve into a “crisis process,” government quarters have begun suggesting the idea that the Kurdish Islamist Free Cause Party (Huda-Par) is the sole force capable of finishing off the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) and could eventually join the settlement talks. While some are promoting Huda-Par, an offspring of Turkey’s Hezbollah, old feuds between Hezbollah and the PKK are being revived. Many believe this is no coincidence.

Hezbollah, which has no relation to the Lebanese group, defines itself as a “Muslim Kurdish” movement, while the PKK comes from a Marxist tradition. Their rivalry in the past was inevitable, and it appears to still be so today.

In its 1990s heyday, Hezbollah failed to achieve its goal of becoming the sole Kurdish force against the regime. Similarly, the PKK failed to eliminate other Kurdish groups and suffered heavy casualties at the hands of Hezbollah.

The PKK, which sees Hezbollah as “contras” used by the state against the Kurdish movement, has branded the group “Hezbol-Contra,” while Islamist groups have called it “Hezbol-Shaitan” (Party of Satan) because of its murders of rival Islamists. After its leader Huseyin Velioglu was killed in a police raid in Istanbul in 2000, Hezbollah sank into silence for a few years before making a comeback in the civil realm. In 2012, it set up Huda-Par as a legal political force. In last year’s municipal polls, the party’s overall vote stood at only 0.19%. Yet, it garnered 7.8% in Batman and 4.32% in Diyarbakir, proving to be a force to be reckoned with in the mainly Kurdish southeast.

Hezbollah is believed to have received support from rogue elements of the Turkish security forces blamed for countless extrajudicial killings in the southeast. While there are no indications that Hezbollah has renounced violence, its political debut seems to have resulted in a revision of its alleged “contra” mission as the Kurdish party that would politically ​finish off the PKK-led Kurdish movement.

Huda-Par could finish off PKK?

Writing for pro-government Yeni Safak, columnist Yusuf Kaplan uttered what many have been discreetly discussing: “This country can be saved from drifting to the brink of partition not through ethnic awareness, but through ummah [Islam nation] awareness. … A strong ummah awareness exists in the [Kurdish] region among Huda-Par supporters in particular and among Islamic communities in general. … Had supporters of the PKK and the [pro-Kurdish] People’s Democracy Party [HDP] suffered the oppression that Huda-Par supporters suffered, they would have raised hell across the world! We owe Huda-Par gratitude for its prudence and common sense. … Huda-Par is the safety valve of the country and the region. … If Huda-Par maintains its common sense, the PKK will be finished.”

A series of developments have sparked concern that the “Kurds versus Kurds” tactic could be replayed in a new format.

Deadly clashes occurred between PKK and Huda-Par supporters Oct. 6-8, when Kurds took to the streets to denounce the Islamic State’s offensive on Kobani. The two sides traded accusations over the bloodshed, and Deputy Prime Minister Bulent Arinc paid a visit to Huda-Par and made remarks containing the following critical messages:

  • The HDP is not the sole representative of the Kurdish people.
  • Other parties will represent the Kurds if the PKK threat ceases to exist.
  • Huda-Par has a vision for a new civilization, centered on humanity.
  • One has to listen to anyone who has a word to say in the settlement process.

Arinc stressed, “The program of the Free Cause Party, through which devout Kurdish friends engage in politics, is extremely important. This party has a lot to say both about the country’s problems and the settlement issue.”

Two conclusions can be drawn from Arinc’s remarks. First, the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), which used to brag about being the only party other than the HDP to enjoy Kurdish support, sees Huda-Par as a “sister party” rather than a rival, even though Huda-Par also targets the vote of Kurds with Islamic inclinations. Promoting Huda-Par as an alternative Kurdish party is a sly tactic ahead of the June elections, in which the AKP aims to clinch a strong parliamentary majority that would allow it to introduce a presidential system, a goal that will be easier to achieve if the HDP fails to overcome the 10% national parliamentary threshold.

Second, the government — on an uphill track in the Kurdish peace process — appears to be flirting with the idea of taking on Huda-Par as a partner in the talks.

However, a serious problem emerges here: Who is Huda-Par going to represent at the negotiating table, being the offspring of an organization that has fought the Kurdish movement in collaboration with armed elements of the state? Lingering hostilities with the PKK could erupt at any moment into a full-blown confrontation, as seen during the deadly October unrest and most recently in the Dec. 27 clashes in Cizre that claimed three lives. It is very hard to imagine a negotiation formula in which Huda-Par and the PKK sit on the same side of the table, given their mutual mistrust and the easy flare-up of hostilities.

Undoubtedly, the settlement process concerns not only the PKK, but all Kurds and the whole of Turkey. No one denies this, yet participation is a different matter. Those involved in the issue emphasize that not Hezbollah but the PKK has fought the state for three decades and therefore the war, lately in a lull due to a cease-fire, can be ended only through negotiations between the warring parties.

Huda-Par wants to be part of the talks

Huda-Par, however, argues that negotiating with the PKK alone could resolve only the PKK problem, while a comprehensive settlement of the Kurdish question requires broader representation.

In remarks to Al-Monitor, Huda-Par spokesman Sait Sahin asserted the party wants to be a “partner” in the settlement process. “A healthy outcome requires the participation of all Kurdish segments. The process often suffers road accidents because only the PKK is involved,” Sahin said. “The government may hold talks with the PKK to make it lay down arms and may eventually succeed, but if it wants to resolve the Kurdish question in general, all Kurdish segments should be interlocutors.”

Asked about how the government and the PKK view this demand, Sahin said, “We’ve had contacts both with the government and the PKK. We’ve had occasional meetings with the government because the state has been the source of suffering. And we’ve had dialogue with the PKK because they are a force in the region. The PKK, however, wants no one but itself to be involved.”

And on which side of the negotiating table does Huda-Par want to be? “We don’t want to sit on either side. We could sit on a third chair as a just and fair party,” Sahin said.

Provocation by a third hand?

Engaging Huda-Par in the settlement process is not yet being seriously considered, but a heated debate has opened over alleged attempts to play it off against the PKK. The Cizre clashes, which followed Arinc’s visit to Huda-Par, stoked accusations that the AKP government is using Huda-Par against the PKK. The clashes erupted over an attempt to infiltrate a guard post that the PKK’s youth branch, the Patriotic Revolutionary Youth Movement (YDG-H), had set up in Cizre to fend off police operations.

Several points seem to back up those claims:

  • The attack in Cizre took place after HDP members visited the local Huda-Par office and the two sides agreed on certain issues.
  • Just before the attack, the YDG-H had agreed to stop efforts to enforce partial control in the area such as digging ditches in the streets or erecting barricades and checking the IDs of passersby that had contributed to polarizing the atmosphere.
  • Pro-government media outlets reported on the unrest with inflammatory headlines such as “Zoroastrians [idolaters] attack Muslims.”

Provocative media

Two civic groups penned reports on how the unrest unfolded. Islamic-leaning human rights group Mazlumder said, “The incident was an act of provocation by secret formations seeking to turn the sides against each other. An attempt is underway by some deep centers to start a PKK-Hezbollah war. The press has widely reported that ‘devout people are under attack,’ but the issue has nothing to do with religiousness.” The Human Rights Association, for its part, blamed the clashes on special forces teams acting together with armed civilians.

The PKK’s umbrella organization, the Kurdistan Communities Union (KCK), blamed the government and Huda-Par, while Huda-Par blamed the PKK.

HDP co-chairman Selahattin Demirtas, however, spoke of provocation. “We noticed that fake [social media] accounts posted messages, posing as Huda-Par and Kurdish youth accounts. The incident in Cizre was orchestrated by forces who had infiltrated both sides, seeking to foment conflict and bloodshed,” he said. “Government media organizations run headlines like ‘Zoroastrians attack Muslim neighborhood,’ which leads me to wonder whether some in the government were aware of this provocation. I’d like to ask Bulent Arinc: Did you have a hand in the provocation in Cizre or not?”

The pro-AKP media spoke of the PKK targeting Muslims, but the PKK has recently sought to develop good ties with Islamic quarters. KCK co-chairman Cemil Bayik, for instance, hosted 83 Kurdish clerics from Iraq in the Qandil Mountains in August 2013. Last May, a Democratic Islam Congress was held in Diyarbakir on the appeal of jailed PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan. The HDP similarly says it wants to embrace the devout. Turkey’s recent history is no stranger to bloodshed caused by religious provocation, and prudent voices were immediately raised.

Sahin denied his party had any links with the state. Asked about Huda-Par’s supposed mission, he told Al-Monitor, “Some may see us as a force to finish off the PKK, but we have no such intention. … Our problem with the PKK is that they attack us, refusing to tolerate us. If the PKK stops its violence, it could well exist as a way of thinking or a political formation. We do not approve of the PKK, and we’ll continue to struggle against them in the civil realm. If we manage to finish them in this way, fine. But no one has the right to use arms to finish off a thought.”

Despite the deadly clashes and a possible plan by the state to foment a PKK-Huda-Par conflict, neither of the sides appears keen to open a second chapter of the feud of the 1990s. Each time tensions have flared, a mediator or Ocalan himself has stepped in to cool things down. Yet, the region remains a powder keg, and the longer the settlement process drags on, the larger the risk of explosion looms. I happened to be in Diyarbakir on Dec. 27 and I was frequently told, “If the unrest in Cizre spills over to Diyarbakir, things will come to a disastrous end.” And that’s no passing fear.

By: Fehim Taştekin is a columnist and chief editor of foreign news at the Turkish newspaper Radikal, based in Istanbul. He is the host of a fortnightly program called “Dogu Divanı” on IMC TV. He is an analyst specializing in Turkish foreign policy and Caucasus, Middle East and EU affairs. He was founding editor of Agency Caucasus.

Filed Under: Articles Tagged With: AKP, Davutoglu, kurd against kurd, Turkey

Davutoğlu: his government will deliver a Turkish flag, Quran & dictionary to each and every home in Macedonia

December 30, 2014 By administrator

Turkey, caliphate and Erdoğan by: ABDULLAH BOZKURT

The narrative, behavior pattern and policy decisions of Turkey’s chief political Islamist Recep Tayyip Erdoğan suggests that he believes the caliphate can be resurrected, with himself as the sole contender to become caliph, thereby gaining autonomous political authority over at least part of the Islamic world.

For this grand ambition, Erdoğan has built a personality cult to reflect his image in the government and many political lackeys just parrot what he says or take their cues from Erdoğan’s speeches. Sensing “Master” Erdoğan’s (the name people around him call him) expectations on this matter, his protégée and caretaker Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu publicly announced in Skopje last week that his government will deliver a Turkish flag, Quran and Turkish dictionary to each and every home in Macedonia. Speaking at a political convention in his hometown Konya a few days later, Davutoğlu joyfully reaffirmed this utterly interventionist policy that is sure to raise eyebrows in many capitals in the Balkans.

As the political Islamist government finds it increasingly difficult to manage its affairs amid a deepening crisis of governance in Turkey, the suspension of the rule of law and gross violation of rights and liberties, we’ll likely see more religiously toned rhetoric and policy actions that are motivated by ideological considerations. Davutoğlu’s holding hands with Hamas leader Khalid Mashaal — who showed up in a surprise visit to Turkey — at a political rally is another indication that sensitive issues that draw the attention of pious Muslims, such as Palestinians, will be played out loudly in the coming months.

Filed Under: Articles Tagged With: Davutoglu, deliver, dictionary, flag, Macedonia, Quran, Turkish

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