SANTA ANA – On August 19, Consul General of Armenia in Los Angeles Ambassador Armen Baibourtian paid a brief working visit to Orange County in Southern California.

During his visit, Ambassador Baibourtian had meetings in Santa Ana with the leaders of the county, first among which was with the Chairman of the Orange County Board of Supervisors Andrew Do. The meeting was aimed at enhancing the Armenian Consulate’s General cooperation with the Orange County.

The number of Armenians living in Orange County increased in recent years reaching 20,000-25,000. The county of 3 million population is located to the south from Los Angeles between the Santa Ana Mountains and the Pacific Ocean. In the First District of Supervisor Do, Forty Martyrs Armenian Church and Ari Guiragos Minassian Armenian K-6 School are located. Andrew Do is a Republican and previously served as Orange County Deputy District Attorney.The Consul General also had two other meetings with Supervisor of the Third District Donald Wagner and Supervisor of the Second District Katrina Foley.

Supervisor Wagner was instrumental in adoption of the resolution by the Orange County Board of Supervisors in December 2020 recognizing Artsakh and its inalienable right to self-determination. The resolution also condemned the military offensive launched by Azerbaijan and Turkey against Artsakh and Armenia. At the meetings with supervisors, they discussed cooperation plans focusing on the local Armenian community, including training programs for small and medium size businesses as well as funding opportunities from the county. A plan for organizing a business round table was also devised. Tim Jemal, representative of the Armenian community in Orange County, accompanied the Consul General during those last meetings.Supervisor Donald Wagner is a Republican and previously served as mayor of Irvine as well as a member of the California State Assembly. Supervisor Katrina Foley is a Democrat and was the mayor of Costa Mesa, where St. Mary Armenian Church is located.

ԼՈՍ ԱՆՋԵԼԵՍՈՒՄ ՀՀ ԳԼԽԱՎՈՐ ՀՅՈՒՊԱՏՈՍ, ԴԵՍՊԱՆ ԱՐՄԵՆ ԲԱՅԲՈՒՐԴՅԱՆՆ ԱՇԽԱՏԱՆՔԱՅԻՆ ԱՅՑ ԿԱՏԱՐԵՑ ՕՐԱՆՋԻ ՄԱՐԶ
ՍԱՆԹԱ ԱՆԱ – Օգոստոսի 19-ին Լոս Անջելեսում ՀՀ գլխավոր հյուպատոս, դեսպան Արմեն Բայբուրդյանը կարճատև աշխատանքային այց կատարեց Հարավային Կալիֆորնիայի Օրանջի մարզ։ Այցի ընթացքում դեսպանն ունեցավ հանդիպումներ տեղական իշխանության մարմինների ղեկավարների հետ, որոնցից առաջինը Սանթա Անա քաղաքում Օրանջի մարզի կառավարիչների խորհրդի նախագահ էնդրյու Դոյի հետ էր։ Հանդիպման ընթացքում կողմերը քննարկեցին ՀՀ գլխավոր հյուպատոսության և Օրանջի մարզի միջև գործակցությունն առավել աշխուժացնելու ուղղությունները։ Հատկանշական է, որ 3 միլիոն բնակչություն ունեցող Օրանջի մարզում վերջին տարիներին զգալիորեն մեծացել է հայ համայնքի թիվը․ այստեղ այսօր ապրում է 20 -25 հազար հայ։ Կարավարիչ Դոյի շրջանի մեջ մտնող Օրանջի մարզային կենտրոն Սանթա Անայում է գտնվում Սրբոց Քառասնից Մանկանց հայկական եկեղեցին և Արի Կիրակոս Մինասյան հայկական ամենօրյա դպրոցը։ էնդրյու Դոն հանրապետական է և նախկինում եղել է մարզի գլխավոր դատախազի տեղակալ։Գլխավոր հյուպատոս ևս երկու հանդիպում ունեցավ Օրանջ մարզի երրորդ շրջանի կառավարիչ Դոնալդ Ուագների և երկրորդ շրջանի կառավարիչ Կաթրինա Ֆոլիի հետ։ Ուագները կառուցողական դեր է խաղացել 2020 թվականի դեկտեմբերին Օրանջի մարզի կառավարիչների խորհրդի կողմից Արցախի անկախությունն ու ինքնորոշման իրավունքը ճանաչող բանաձևի ընդունման գործում։ Բանաձևը նաև դատապարտում էր Արցախի և Հայաստանի նկատմամբ Ադրբեջանի և Թուրքիայի ռազմական ագրեսիան։ Հանդիպումների ընթացքում քննարկվեցին համագործակցության ծրագրեր, որոնց առանցքում էր տեղի հայ համայնքը, ներառյալ՝ փոքր ու միջին չափի ընկերություններ ներկայացնող գործարարների վերապատրաստումը և մարզի կողմից ֆինանսավորում ստանալու հնարավորությունը։ Քննարկվեց նաև գործարար կլոր սեղան կազմակերպելու հնարավորությունը։ Վերջին հանդիպումներին մասնակցում էր Օրանջ մարզի հայ համայնքի ներկայացուցիչ Թիմ Ջեմալը։Դոնալդ Ուագները հանրապետական է և եղել է Ըրվայնի քաղաքապետ, ինչպես նաև Կալիֆորնիայի նահանգային Ասամբլեայի անդամ։ Կաթրինա Ֆոլին դեմոկրատ է և նախկինում եղել է Կոստա Մեսայի քաղաքապետ, ուր գտնվում է հայկական Սբ․ Աստվածածին եկեղեցին։

Eight Turkish nationals, including soldiers, have sought political asylum in neighbouring Greece, the Greek Times reported on Monday.

The Turkish nationals arrived on Sunday in a small sailing boat in the port of Tsoutsoura, south of Crete, it said.

The group’s boat was damaged while fleeing Turkey, the Greek Times said, citing statements by the Turkish nationals, and Greek fishermen responded to the distress call, towing them back to safety to the coast of Minoa Pediados.

Greek officials have detained the Turkish nationals ahead of their planned transfer to Heraklion, the capital of Crete, it said, as a case file is being drafted against the group. 

Thousands of Turkish nationals fled to Greece following the July 2016 coup attempt, after which Ankara carried out a massive purge, stripping tens of thousands with even tenuous links to a religious group known as the Gülen movement of their jobs and leaving tens of thousands more jailed.

Nine months after Armenia and Azerbaijan signed a Moscow-brokered cease-fire deal to end six weeks of fighting over Nagorno-Karabakh mostly on Baku’s terms, simmering tensions continue along the un-demarcated borders between the two former Soviet republics, with Russia, which now deploys around 2,000 peacekeepers in the region, apparently seeking to reinforce its presence in the region.

RFE/RL Armenian Service Director Harry Tamrazian spoke last week to Carnegie Europe’s Caucasus expert, Thomas de Waal, about the latest developments in the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict and the role of Russia in the postwar period.

De Waal, in particular, believes that if there is some kind of agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan that guarantees the maintenance of Russian forces in the region, then Russia will embrace that agreement. “But I don’t think Russia is in a hurry to have an [Armenian-Azerbaijani] peace agreement. What they really want is a kind of period of stabilization of the status quo and the consolidation of the Russian presence,” he says.

Below is the transcript of the interview in which the British expert talks about this and other aspects of the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict.

RFE/RL’s Armenian Service (Azatutyun): Our exclusive guest today from London is Thomas de Waal. Tom, thanks for the interview. We see that after the end of the war over Nagorno-Karabakh hostilities didn’t end. The military confrontation has now a new geography. I can say that it has moved from the former Nagorno-Karabakh frontlines to the Soviet-era borders between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Now the confrontation and military standoff are even getting worse and worse, and we see that it is very intense in the Syunik region [of Armenia]. What is happening and why the Azerbaijanis are so aggressive in the Syunik region? By the way, not only Armenians are reporting violations of their borders in the Gegharkunik and Syunik region, but also I have some independent accounts, independent sources proving that Azerbaijanis indeed violated the Armenian border and penetrated into the Armenian territory a couple of miles. Please your comment.

Thomas de Waal: First of all, very good to talk to you, Harry, and to Radio Liberty as always. Yes, it seems that the big fighting was over last year, but the conflict certainly continues at a lower level unfortunately. And as you rightly said, the geography of fighting has changed. We are still seeing exchanges of fire on the Armenia-Azerbaijan border in Syunik and Gegharkunik and also around Yeraskh between Yerevan and Nakhchivan, which, of course, those of us with longer memories recall was the scene of fighting back in January 1990. So, yes. And what’s going on? Well, I think what we’ve seen from the Azerbaijani side is an attempt to kind of enforce their vision of a new peace, enforced peace on Azerbaijani terms, which means putting pressure on the Armenian side as much as they can, until they meet resistance. They meet a bit of resistance from the Armenian forces, but they continue to enforce what they see as their vision of a peace, which involves their vision that the corridor between western Azerbaijan and Nakhchivan should run via Meghri or Syunik region, that they must get back their exclaves that they lost at the end of the Soviet period in Armenia, and probably most importantly they want to force the Armenian side to give up its claims to Nagorno-Karabakh itself. So, this offer basically is: ‘if we recognize your territorial integrity, if we stop and recognize the borders between Armenia and Azerbaijan, then the Armenian side must give up its claims for Artsakh or Karabakh and recognize the internationally recognized territorial integrity of Azerbaijan. I think this is the Azerbaijani strategy as we see it.

Azatutyun: We will talk about that a bit later. Now how would you possibly interpret [Azerbaijani President Ilham] Aliyev’s statements on taking back, as he claims, historical lands of Azerbaijan. In these claims he includes even Zangezur (Syunik), Lake Sevan as well as Yerevan, the capital of Armenia, which he calls Irevan. What’s your take on this? Why is he doing this?

De Waal: I find this a bit hard to interpret because obviously this contradicts what I was just saying about territorial integrity. So, I see this probably also as a kind of bargaining tactic by the Azerbaijani president. On the one hand, he is putting pressure on Armenia by these kinds of statements, on the other hand, he is also satisfying a domestic audience, particularly, the so-cold Yeraz group in Azerbaijan, which is quite powerful people who are the descendants of those Azerbaijanis who were born in Armenia. But certainly the intensity of these statements is something a bit new. I would need to remind you that Heydar Aliyev, the current president’s father and former president, was always talking about Azerbaijan within its recognized borders. There was no indication there of talking about expanding either into Iran as Abulfaz Elchibey, his predecessor, did, or making these claims on Armenian Zangezur. So, it’s a little strange how to interpret this. I don’t really take it seriously. But, of course, these statements continue. So, I see it more as a kind of rather tough pressure on the Armenian side.

Azatutyun: I guess, Tom, he [Aliyev] is a little bit obsessed with his military superiority over the Armenian military and on every occasion, wherever he goes, during visits to the territories that he took back, he always says something extraordinary. What do you think about it?

De Waal: Well, certainly no one can deny that President Aliyev scored a major political and military victory last year obviously with the support of Turkey. And this is his legacy. He has been in power since 2003, and 17 years later he for the first time achieved something quite remarkable. So, this is, I think, the source of his legitimacy in Azerbaijan. There are other problems in Azerbaijan, particularly economy is very fragile, very vulnerable to oil shocks. If the price of oil goes down, as we know, 60 percent of the budget is relying basically on oil and gas revenues… Certainly that’s a big shock for Azerbaijan. So, this victory over the Armenians is the source of his legitimacy. So, he is not going to give that up easily, he is not going to stop the pressure on the Armenians until he gets significant resistance to this idea, to this vision of what he wants to see as the kind of post-conflict settlement in the region.

Azatutyun: Tom, one thing is talking about taking back the territories that were part of your country, but now he starts threatening Armenia that he will take back what he claims were once Azerbaijani lands. It will meet with international condemnation. Do you think he realizes all this or he doesn’t care about it and is just posturing as a hero, taking pictures with his wife wearing camouflage? How could you explain these things? I think he is wise enough to understand that these claims are just ridiculous.

De Waal: Well, I think President Aliyev is very self-confident. He sees that people repeatedly told him not to go to war, he ignored that advice, and now he has certainly achieved what many thought was quite impossible last year. So, he is very self-confident. He has the support of Turkey. And Russia sometimes pushes back and sometimes doesn’t. As we know, Russia is doing this balancing act in the South Caucasus. I think it’s safe to say that Russia is using the situation not so much to protect Armenia but to improve its own presence and position in the region. So, I think Mr. Aliyev will keep on pressing, keep on trying until either he fails or gets what he wants.

Azatutyun: Why tensions are rising on the border with Nakhchivan, at the Yeraskh section? What’s the reason? This is a completely different geography. Is it possible that Turks are also involved there? As we know, they are very much integrated with Turkish security and military forces. Is there any Turkish element involved there or do you think it’s just another border tension?

De Waal: It is difficult to say. The Turks are certainly present in Nakhchivan. There is also the exclave, a very sensitive point of Tigranashen, or Kyarki, as the Azerbaijanis calls it, which is just north of Nakhchivan on the main road there. And this was always a crossroads, and as I just mentioned, Yeraskh was a location of fighting back in January 1990. So, there is nothing new here. I guess the question really is more – and which I ask myself – is the United States, in particular, going to exert its role, play its role as a significant partner for both countries and also as a co-chair of the Minsk Group and be more vocal. But so far we’ve seen very little of that. Maybe only if there is a greater escalation we will see more significant intervention by the Western powers, unfortunately.

Azatutyun: What do you think are the Azerbaijani intentions? It seems to me that they want a corridor connecting Azerbaijan to Nakhchivan through the Syunik region, while Armenia is suggesting that the Azerbaijanis be given the right to cross through the existing railroads and highways on the Armenian territory as Armenians should get the right to cross the Azerbaijani territory through highways and railways. And we don’t know what the Russians want on the so-called Zangezur corridor. I guess the Russians would want to control the roads as well by deploying security forces along the road, along the highway, creating checkpoints. What do you think?

De Waal: Well, this is again I think a mystery. We had this trilateral government commission begun in January with the deputy prime ministers on this issue of transport connectivity. As we know, the Azerbaijani vision is that there is a corridor across Syunik/Zangezur, maybe across Meghri, the shortest possible distance. We know the Armenian vision, which is that it should go north – from Ijevan to Kazakh, it should be more on Armenian territory to bring greater benefits for the Armenian side. But what the Russian position is, I think it’s still not clear. Again I think as long as they have significant economic investment there, as long as it can be used as a north-south corridor for Russia which connects Russia to Armenia, Russia to Turkey and Iran, not via Georgia, but via Armenia and Azerbaijan, the Russians will be happy. But I don’t think that we are seeing a clear message from the Russians there, which I think is one reason why there is a lot of tension, because we don’t know what the Russians have decided.

Azatutyun: And what do you think about the Russian peacekeepers in Nagorno-Karabakh? Are they there to stay? Also, as we see more Russian troops will be deployed along the Armenian-Azerbaijani border in the Gegharkunik region. What is happening here? Is Russia expanding its military might in the region preparing for something or it’s just interesting for Russia to expand its military base in the region?

De Waal: Again, I find it hard to say. Clearly Russia wants to be the arbiter, it wants to be there on the ground, it wants to have its forces on the ground. It is happy to see the Western countries marginalized. As for what is the future of the peacekeeping force in Karabakh, clearly the Russians would like to stay. Azerbaijan formally, as we know, has a veto power on the extension of that mission in 2025, so it is in four years’ time. On this there will be a lot of bargaining between Moscow and Baku. I am sure Russia will come up with lots of convincing arguments why it should stay. But as we know, that mission is also unpopular in Azerbaijan. So, I think it’s just too early to say what will happen. But unfortunately for the Armenians of Karabakh, this is basically something beyond their control.

Azatutyun: And Aliyev praised Russia’s role in making it possible for them to take back territories. They don’t hide it that Russian actions during the war were very helpful for Baku. But now they are expressing a concern that Russia might start arming Armenia again. In his last week’s [August 14] interview to CNN Turk television Aliyev said that he is concerned about statements of [Russian Defense Minister] Sergey Shoygu on starting the process of arming Armenia, modernizing the Armenian army. What would you say about this?

De Waal: Well, I think again this is everything we’ve been talking about, the balancing role of Russia – it’s a bit with Armenia, a bit with Azerbaijan. It balances between them and neither country is fully happy with Russia. There is this bargaining process which will go on and has been going on for years and will continue. And it is now particularly intense between Moscow and Baku about the presence of Russian troops in Karabakh. Every interview, every statement has a little bit of this, a little bit about how we support the Russians, but we’re not happy with them. I guess the same is true on the Armenian side. They see Russia as a stabilizing force, but they are also unhappy with many of the other actions from Russia. And so long as Russia is the only country which is prepared to be strong to intervene, to send troops, I’m afraid this is what the politics of this region will be for the next few years.

Azatutyun: Russia is still not interested in a peace deal between the two countries. It was long thought that Russia is not interested in getting the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict resolved. Now suddenly some experts believe that Russia wants to solve this conflict. But it’s hard to believe that this could happen so quickly. And if that happens, Russia will lose all kinds of leverages over Azerbaijan and Armenia. What’s your analysis on that?

De Waal: … I think that Russia is playing a long game here. It wants to see stability obviously, it doesn’t want to see another war. Russia wants to reinforce the Russian presence there. If there is some kind of agreement which guarantees the maintenance of Russian forces in the region, then Russia will embrace that agreement. But I don’t think Russia is in a hurry to have a [Armenian-Azerbaijani] peace agreement. What they really want is a kind of period of stabilization of the status quo and the consolidation of the Russian presence.

Azatutyun: Now Aliyev wants Pashinyan to recognize Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity after which he said Azerbaijan will sign a peace agreement with Armenia. But recognizing Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity means to recognize Artsakh [Nagorno-Karabakh] as part of Azerbaijan’s territory, which Pashinian can’t do. He is asking Pashinyan for something knowing that it won’t be possible to do. What is the end game here? What is Aliyev trying to achieve?

De Waal: Well, I guess the Azerbaijani side is trying to slowly weaken the Armenian influence over Karabakh. And by putting pressure on Armenia itself he is encouraging Mr. Pashinian to focus on Armenia and less on Karabakh. I think that strategy is perhaps being successful. While there these problems with Syunik and Gegharkunik, Mr. Pashinian is not really thinking so much about Karabakh. Maybe that’s the tactics to keep up the pressure. I don’t think he expects Armenia to give up on the claims on Karabakh, but maybe Armenia will make weaker claims for Karabakh to talk less about independence, maybe start talking a bit more about autonomy and self-determination and less about independence. Maybe this is the strategy.

Azatutyun: Tom, don’t you think that recognizing Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity with Artsakh [Nagorno-Karabakh] is impossible to ask from any Armenian leader? Perhaps it could be done only after the Minsk Group is able to bring the parties to the negotiating table to address the status of Nagorno-Karabakh.

De Waal: Obviously, it is impossible for an Armenian leader to give up on decades of aspirations for the people of Karabakh. That will not happen. It might be possible in the future to talk about some kind of territorial autonomy for the Karabakh Armenians inside Azerbaijan, but Baku is no longer talking about that. So, again we have these completely contradictory positions. We have the Minsk Group still officially negotiating, but basically not able to do anything. And we have the Russians on the ground – a kind of short-term stabilization. It’s a very unsatisfactory situation I guess to anyone who wants to see this conflict peacefully resolved.

Azatutyun: Why do you think people voted for Nikol Pashinian? What his electoral victory means for the region, for the country?

De Waal: Why people voted for Pashinian? It’s hard for me to say, but from Armenians I’ve spoken to [I learned] they were choosing from what they called the lesser of two evils. They were voting for a government which had delivered some freedoms to open the country up. They were voting for a possibility of future free elections. And they were voting against Mr. Kocharian [former Armenian president and current opposition leader] and what they remembered from that era when a small group of people monopolized Armenia and businesses were all owned by a small group of people, and ordinary businesses had to pay big protection racket. I think they were choosing between an unsatisfactory present and an even worse past. That’s my view of what most Armenian voters were thinking about.

Azatutyun: And also, Tom, the Azerbaijani leader said that it’s unthinkable that any government that lost a war would be reelected by their people. He is like teasing Pashinian. You would hear the same line from the Armenian opposition. Kocharian and others would say the same thing almost in unison. What’s your take on that? Do you know any leader who was reelected after losing a war?

De Waal: No, but I guess there are also examples – most famously Britain in 1945 – when a leader lost an election after winning a war. So, maybe sometimes voters have other things on their mind. Maybe they blamed Pashinian for the defeat. He takes responsibility for that. But maybe some responsibility on the Armenian side also lies with previous governments for their military strategy or maybe failure of their military strategy. So, I think Armenian voters obviously took that into account. But they also looked at other factors – particularly about the economy and democracy.

Azatutyun: Do you believe that the war was lost also because of the failure of the previous governments to build up a strong army? What’s your take on that?

De Waal: Sure. Obviously, on the military side there was a failure which lasted many years in the previous administrations. The Armenian side was using 20^th-century defenses against a 21^st-century army, which had learned new technology. Clearly on the military side that was a big failure. And I guess also one could say – and I think this blame is shared between Yerevan and Baku – that there were many years when there were no serious negotiations, when both sides could have worked much harder at peaceful negotiations and considered serious compromises. But that never happened.

Azatutyun: Do you think the Minsk Group co-chairs will be able to convince the parties to come to the negotiating table? Will Azerbaijan accept the mediation of France, Russia and the United States? Also, now we are seeing that another international crisis is emerging on a full scale, the crisis in Afghanistan. I think this will take all international attention and the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict again will be forgotten. And it is very good for Aliyev.

De Waal: Well, I think this has always been the case. The Karabakh conflict has never been a first-order priority internationally. I mean it hasn’t been at the bottom of the list, but it has never been a first-order priority. There has always been something more important – Afghanistan, Iraq or Syria, there have always been problems with China and Russia. I think it is not reasonable to expect that there could be a lot of international attention. But I guess the one thing to say is that I think it is clear to anyone that this conflict is not resolved. There is a deadline coming in 2025, which is about the renewal or non-renewal of the Russian peacekeeping mission. No one can pretend that this conflict is now over. I don’t think anyone expects the Karabakh Armenians to want to live peacefully inside Azerbaijan. There is a lot of unfinished business here. There is also the business on the Azerbaijani side of how those territories can be resettled and reconstructed. So, there is a lot of unfinished business. Maybe not today, but I think fairly soon the Minsk Group countries again will be forced to look at this issue and try to negotiate more seriously than now at this moment.

Azatutyun: Tom, do you foresee any military confrontation on a larger scale in the near future? What’s your prediction?

De Waal: Who knows what could happen in two or three years’ time or in 2025, as I’ve been talking about? At the moment, with all clashes here and there, ceasefire violations, while the border demarcation is not clear, this obviously can give occasions for fighting and for shooting, and unfortunately for people to get killed. But I don’t think we are talking about a large-scale conflict. I don’t think that it is going to happen at the moment. But certainly there is unfortunately a prospect for more serious fighting in two or three years’ time if not before.

Azatutyun: What do you think about the possibility of destabilization of Central Asian republics if the Taliban is able to penetrate and trigger civil wars in these countries? In that sense it would divert Russia’s attention from the Caucasus to Central Asia. Even Ukrainians are hoping that Russia will be very busy with trying to prevent this scenario in Central Asia, deploying more troops there. What’s your take on that?

De Waal: Well, I think it is certainly true that the Caucasus is not a top priority for Russia. I think last year President Putin felt compelled to act only to preserve the Russian prestige and some Russian interests in the region. But certainly the Caucasus – Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia – is not a major Russian priority. I don’t believe that President Putin thinks about it every day. I think he does probably think every day about the United States, about Ukraine, about Belarus. And as you say, there are growing security threats now in Central Asia, which I think indeed would push the Caucasus even further down the Russian list of priorities. That doesn’t mean that Russia will abandon the Caucasus. But I think it does mean that some of the people on the ground, the Russian generals in Karabakh, for example, will have more responsibility to take action.

Turkish holding companies that own travel companies and hotels also own arms companies. The directors of these companies are friends with the Erdoğan family. The same holding companies fund the  building of huge dams in Kurdistan, displacing tens of thousands and causing irreversible ecological destruction. 

Still, the number of foreigners visiting Turkey increased almost 22% from 2017 to 2018. The Turkish economy is growing increasingly reliant on tourism.

According to figures released by the Turkish Statistical Institute, in 2018 alone, tourism accounted for an income of $29.5 billion USD and the same year Turkey’s military budget was raised by 24% to $19 billion USD.

To put it bluntly: the more tourists enjoy Turkey’s beaches, the more Kurds will die.

In 2019, AKP mouthpiece Daily Sabah claimed that the number of British people booking package trips to Turkey had increased by 27% that year. We need to stop this increase by convincing people internationally that Turkey is not an ethical travel destination.

Turkey’s largest airline, Turkish Airlines (THY), is partly owned by the Turkish state. THY’s directors are all closely connected to Erdoğan. Pegasus, Turkey’s other major airline, is linked to the arms trade and the Turkish state’s socially and ecologically destructive dam building programme.

BEIRUT, Aug 21 (Reuters) – The Lebanese central bank will open a temporary account providing additional subsidies for fuel imports up to a maximum of $225 million until the end of September, senior Lebanese officials decided on Saturday, in a bid to ease the fuel crisis.

A statement issued after a meeting of officials including President Michel Aoun and central bank governor Riad Salameh said the ministry of energy would issue fuel prices.Reporting by Maher Chmaytelli; Writing by Tom Perry; Editing by Giles Elgood

LOS ANGELES – On August 19, Consul General of Armenia in Los Angeles Ambassador Armen Baibourtian presented Los Angeles City Councilmember Paul Krekorian with the Medal of Gratitude, one of the highest official awards of Armenia. It was awarded by the President of Armenia upon the recommendation of the Prime Minister. The awarding ceremony took place in the Council Chambers of the Los Angeles City Hall. “For his years-long Armenian-focused activities and significant contribution towards strengthening and enhancing the Armenian-American friendly relations, the Los Angeles City Councilmember Paul Krekorian is hereby awarded with the Medal of Gratitude of the Republic of Armenia”, is noted in the presidential decree.

During the award presentation ceremony, Ambassador Baibourtian underlined in his speech that Councilmember Paul Krekorian is awarded with this prestigious medal for his boundless and unwavering devotion towards the welfare of the Homeland and highly appreciated his work in both capacities of an Assemblymember of the California State Assembly and a Councilmember of the Los Angeles City Council. He reminded that Los Angeles is the second largest city of the United States. The Consul General emphasized the valuable contribution of Paul Krekorian to the strengthening of Armenia-California bonds and his input in addressing issues facing the Armenian community, as well as his efforts in supporting Armenia and Artsakh.

Due to Councilmember Krekorian’s efforts, the Los Angeles City Council adopted the Los Angeles-Shushi Friendship City agreement back in 2012. The Los Angeles City Council recognized the independence of the Republic of Artsakh as a sovereign state in 2013 by adoption of a special resolution. Consul General Baibourtian stressed the importance of the Los Angeles City Council’s condemnation of the war unleashed by Azerbaijan with the assistance of Turkey in 2020 and the City’s demand to stop the aggression against the Armenian people through several resolutions. “Within the first days of the Artsakh War in the fall of 2020, Paul Krekorian began to unite and consolidate California American political and state leaders in pursuit of ending the Azerbaijani unleashed war against Artsakh. As a result, on October 5, 2020, U.S. Congressmen, California Assembly leaders and members, and Los Angeles City Council leaders and elected officials spoke at a joint press conference at the LA City Hall. During the 44-day war and in its aftermath, thanks to Paul Krekorian, the Los Angeles City Council unanimously adopted a resolution confirming the support of the City of Los Angeles to the people of the Republic of Artsakh. At Paul Krekorian’s initiative, the Los Angeles City Council unanimously adopted yet another resolution, in which it demanded Azerbaijan to immediately release the Armenian prisoners of war (POWs) and captured civilians. Moreover, November 9th was declared as a Day of Remembrance and Commemoration of the victims of Azerbaijan’s aggression against Artsakh.

Ambassador Baibourtian also stated that during the days of the Artsakh war, mainly due to the efforts of Councilmember Krekorian and the entire City Council, the American lobbying company “Mercury” stopped its cooperation with Turkey. Consul General Baibourtian also noted that Krekorian was instrumental in addressing certain issues of the Armenian community of America. For instance, thanks to Krekorian, the Armenian language was also included in the list of printed electoral materials. Ambassador Baibourtian also stressed that Paul Krekorian organized a very warm reception at the Los Angeles City Hall extended hospitality to the Prime Minister of Armenia at Grand Park in September 2019. “All these facts testify towards a very important contribution to the Armenia-United States relations, for which we express our profound appreciation to him today,” said Ambassador Baibourtian.

LA City Councilmember Paul Krekorian, in his turn, expressed gratitude for receiving the high award of the Republic of Armenia. He noted that he just fulfilled his duty as an Armenian and expressed his readiness to always stand by Armenia and Artsakh. “We should always be with our Homeland and cherish it.”

ՀՀ ԳԼԽԱՎՈՐ ՀՅՈՒՊԱՏՈՍ ԲԱՅԲՈՒՐԴՅԱՆԸ ԼՈՍ ԱՆՋԵԼԵՍԻ ՔԱՂԱՔԱՅԻՆ ԽՈՐՀՐԴԻ ԱՆԴԱՄ ՓՈԼ ԿՐԵԿՈՐՅԱՆԻՆ ՀԱՆՁՆԵՑ ՀՀ ԵՐԱԽՏԱԳԻՏՈՒԹՅԱՆ ՄԵԴԱԼ
ԼՈՍ ԱՆՋԵԼԵՍ – Օգոստոսի 19-ին, Լոս Անջելեսում ՀՀ գլխավոր հյուպատոս, արտակարգ և լիազոր դեսպան Արմեն Բայբուրդյանը Լոս Անջելեսի քաղաքային խորհրդի անդամ Փոլ  Կրեկորյանին հանձնեց ՀՀ բարձրագույն պարգևներից մեկը հանդիսացող Երախտագիտության մեդալ՝ ՀՀ վարչապետի ներկայացմամբ ՀՀ նախագահի կողմից շնորհված։ Պարգևատրման արարողությունը տեղի ունեցավ Լոս Անջելեսի քաղաքապետարանի նիստերի դահլիճում։ «Երկարամյա հայանպաստ գործունեության, հայ-ամերիկյան բարեկամական կապերի ամրապնդման և զարգացման գործում ներդրած նշանակալի ավանդի համար Լոս Անջելեսի քաղաքային խորհրդի անդամ Փոլ Գրիգորյանին պարգևատրել Երախտագիտության մեդալով», նշված է ՀՀ նախագահի հրամանագրում։
Մեդալի հանձնման արարողության ընթացքում հնչեցրած իր խոսքում դեսպան Բայբուրդյանը ընդգծեց, որ Փոլ Կրեկորյանը բարձրագույն պարգևին արժանանում է հայրենիքի նկատմամբ ցուցաբերած անմնացորդ նվիրումի համար և չափազանց բարձր գնահատեց իր գործունեությունը ԱՄՆ երկրորդ ամենամեծ քաղաքը հանդիսացող Լոս Անջելեսի, ինչպես նաև ամբողջ Կալիֆորնիայի շրջանակներում։ ՀՀ գլխավոր հյուպատոսը  շեշտեց Փոլ Կրեկորյանի արժեքավոր ներդրումը Հայաստան-Կալիֆորնիա հարաբերությունների զարգացման, հայ համայնքի առջև ծառացած խնդիրների լուծման, ինչպես նաև Հայաստանին և Արցախին աջակցության գործում։ Մասնավորապես, Բայբուրդյանը կարևորեց Լոս Անջելեսի քաղաքային խորհրդի կողմից Թուրքիայի աջակցությամբ Ադրբեջանի սանձազերծած պատերազմի դատապարտման ու հայ ժողովրդի նկատմամբ բռնության դադարեցման հնչեցրած պահանջը։
«Արցախյան պատերազմի հենց առաջին օրերին Փոլ Կրեկորյանը ձեռնամուխ եղավ ամերիկացի քաղաքական և պետական գործիչների համախմբմանը՝ հանուն Արցախի դեմ Ադրբեջանի կողմից սանձազերծված պատերազմի դադարեցման։ Նրա ջանքերի շնորհիվ համատեղ մամուլի ասուլիսով հանդես եկան ԱՄՆ կոնգրեսականներ, Կալիֆորնիայի նահանգայի խորհրդարանի առաջնորդներ և անդամներ, Լոս Անջելեսի քաղաքային ղեկավարներ և պաշտոնյաներ՝ պահանջելով անմիջապես դադարեցնել հայ ժողովրդի նկատմամբ բռնությունը։ Պատերազմի ավարտից հետո Փոլ Կրեկորյանի շնորհիվ Լոս Անջելեսի  քաղաքային խորհուրդը միաձայն բանաձև ընդունեց, որով վերահաստատեց Լոս Անջելես քաղաքի աջակցությունը Արցախի Հանրապետության ժողովրդին։ Փոլ Կրեկորյանի նախաձեռնությամբ Լոս Անջելեսի քաղաքային խորհուրդը միաձայն մեկ այլ հռչակագիր ընդունեց, որով Ադրբեջանից պահանջեց անհապաղ ազատ արձակել հայ ռազմագերիներին և գերևարված խաղաղ բնակչությանը, ինպես նաև նոյեմբերի 9-ը հռչակվեց ադրբեջանական ագրեսիայի զոհերի հիշատակի օր։
Կրեկորյանի՝ Արցախին անվերապահ աջակցության վկայություններից է այն, որ դեռևս 2012 թվականին Լոս Անջելեսի քաղաքային խորհուրդը Լոս Անջելեսն ու Շուշին հռչակեց բարեկամ քաղաքներ, իսկ 2013 թվականին Լոս Անջելեսի քաղաքային խորհուրդը հատուկ ընդունած հռչակագրով ճանաչեց Արցախի անկախությունը՝ իբրև ինքնիշխան պետություն», իր ելույթում ասաց դեսպան Բայբուրդյանը։ ՀՀ գլխավոր հյուպատոսը նշեց նաև, որ Արցախի պատերազմի օրերին մեծամասամբ Կրեկորյանի գործունեության շնորհիվ ամերիկյան լոբբիստական «Մերկուրի» ընկերությունը դադարեցրեց Թուրքիայի հետ համագործակցությունը։ Արմեն Բայբուրդյանը նշեց նաև, որ հայազգի գործիչը մեծ դեր ունի նաև ամերիկահայ համայնքի առանձին խնդիրների լուծման գործում․ Կրեկորյանի շնորհիվ է, որ ամերիկյան ընտրական տպագրական նյութերում ներառվել է նաև հայերենը։ Դեսպան Բայբուրդյանն ասաց նաև, որ Փոլ Կրեկորյանի գործունեության արդյունքում 2019 թվականին հնարավոր դարձավ Լոս Անջելեսի քաղաքային իշխանությունների կողմից  քաղաքապետարանում տեղի ունեցած ՀՀ վարչապետի աննախադեպ ընդունելությունը և հյուրընկալությունը։ «Այս ամենը գալիս են վկայելու Փոլ Կրեկորյանի հայանպաստ գործունեության և հայ-ամերիկյան հարաբերություններում կարևոր ավանդի մասին, որի համար այսօր մենք երախտագիտություն ենք հայտնում նրան», ասաց դեսպան Բայբուրդյանը։
Փոլ Կրեկորյանն իր հերթին երախտագիտություն հայտնեց ՀՀ բարձրագույն պարգևի համար։ Նա նշեց, որ կատարել է իր պարտականությունը՝ իբրև հայորդի և պատրաստակամություն հայտնեց այսուհետև նույնպես մշտապես կանգնել Հայաստանի և Արցախի կողքին։

Khalid Akbari, B.M.,and Bruno Sgromo, M.D.

A 26-year-old woman with a known history of the Peutz–Jeghers syndrome presented to the emergency department with a 1-week history of abdominal pain and nonbilious vomiting. The heart rate was 110 beats per minute, and the blood pressure 120/90 mm Hg.

On examination, a tender mass was palpable in the upper abdomen. Computed tomography of the abdomen revealed multiple gastric polyps (arrowhead) and gastrogastric intussusception extending into the duodenum (arrow). Gastrogastric intussusception is an uncommon but serious complication of the Peutz–Jeghers syndrome. The patient underwent an emergency laparotomy, which revealed a large, palpable, polypoid mass in the distal stomach. The intussusceptum was found to be necrotic, and a distal gastrectomy was performed. A Billroth I gastroduodenostomy was constructed to preserve bowel length and to allow for future endoscopic access. The patient recovered well after surgery and was discharged 7 days after presentation. She reported feeling well at follow-up 6 weeks later.

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Khalid Akbari, B.M.
Bruno Sgromo, M.D.
Oxford University Hospitals NHS Foundation Trust, Oxford, United Kingdom

Alin Ozinian

The Hamshen people are a diverse group who in the past and present have been identified with the Hemşin (Hamshen) and Çamlıhemşin districts of Turkey’s northeastern Black Sea region and now mostly live in Turkey, Abkhazia, Russia and Central Asia.

According to various historical records and sources the Hamshen people – Hamshentsiner in Armenian and Hemşinliler in Turkish — are ethnic Armenians who were Christians and members of the Armenian Apostolic Church but over the centuries were either forcibly or voluntarily converted to Sunni Islam after the conquest of the region by the Ottomans in the mid-15th century and during the Armenian genocide in 1915, evolving into a “distinct ethnic group.”

Mahir Özkan, a Hamshentsi and writer for the Jıneps newspaper, says from a historic perspective, the Hamshentsis are described as an Islamized Armenian community living in Hamshen. However, according to him, while nationalist and conservative Hamshentsis have difficulty accepting their Armenian roots, leftists and socialists are fond of the idea that the Hamshentsis are Armenians who were forcibly Islamized during the Ottoman and Republican periods in Turkey.

On the other hand, many Turkish nationalist writers and researchers reject this historical information and claim that the Hamshentsis are of Turkic origin and have some linguistic and cultural convergences due to the fact that they lived in the same territory as Armenians.

“I accept that the Hamshentsis are part of the Armenian people. But how the Hamshentsis describe themselves is pretty complicated because today we can talk about three main communities that call themselves Hamshentsis,” says Özkan.

According to Özkan, the first of these three groups is people living in Abkhazia or Russia who speak the Hamshen dialect of Armenian (Homshetsi) and are members of the Armenian Church. These people define themselves as Hamshentsi Armenians.

The second group is predominantly Homshetsi-speaking Sunni Islamic communities living in the Hopa and Kemalpaşa districts of Turkey. Within this community, some people associate themselves with different identities such as Turkish, Hamshentsi Turkish, Hamshentsi Armenian or only Hamshentsis.

Özkan says the third group is the Turkish speaking, Sunni Islam community that does not speak Homshetsi but uses approximately 2,000 Homshetsi words in their Turkish vocabulary who mainly live in the Hemşin, Çamlıhemşin and Rize districts and some districts of Erzurum and Trabzon. In this group it is possible to come across people who also associate themselves with different identities, just like in the second group.

The Hemshin dialect of Armenian (Homshetsi/Homshetsma) is an archaic Western Armenian dialect spoken by the eastern and northern group of Hamshen people and is not fully intelligible to other Armenians.

The Armenian dialect of the Black Sea’s Hamshen people is one of 18 languages under the threat of disappearance in Turkey, according to the UNESCO Atlas of the World’s Languages in Danger. Currently, the Hamshen dialect is classified as ‘’Definitely endangered’’ along with Laz and Pontic Greek.

Hikmet Akçiçek, a Hamshentsi and co-founder of the Hemşin Culture Research and Survival Association (HADİG), also accepts the fact that the majority of Hamshentsis are Islamized Armenians; however, he thinks the Hamshentsis are not a monolithic society and therefore do not exhibit unified behavior.

“For us, the concept of Hamshentsi/Hemşinli is an expression of identity and ethnicity; although it has different levels of relations and ties with both with Armenians and Turks, it has its own common characteristics.”

“Despite the dual and ambivalent approaches I mentioned, it is possible to say that Hamshentsis have a strong belief in their identity. The mother tongue is very important for Homshetsi-speaking people,” Akçiçek says and adds: “Our traditional dance the horon and our local musical instruments such as tulum and kaval are the living elements of Hamshentsi identity. For Turkish-speaking Hamshentsis, the Armenian words used in the everyday language and also customs and beliefs are very important.

The existence of Muslim Armenians, in particular, raises questions about these “distinct ethnic groups” in Turkey and also in Armenia. However, Hamshentsis, who have a long and complicated history, during much of which they lived in isolation from mainstream Armenian society and faced different cultural problems and oppression, still fight for the protection of their unique culture.

According to Akçiçek, there exists today a common reflex towards the protection and preservation of the language, culture and identity.

“In addition to the efforts to keep the culture alive and maintain the traditions in daily life, we Hamshentsis have also seen cultural productions related to Hemshin culture in recent years. People show interest in director Özcan Alper’s movies and Vova music albums consisting of anonymous Hemşin melodies. On the other hand the GOR: Hemşin Culture Language History magazine and the Hemşin Culture Research and Survival Association [HADİG] and other Hamshen associations and foundations also contribute to the survival of the language and culture,” he says.

HADİG, founded in Istanbul in 2011, places great importance on the language, identity and culture and aims to unite Hamshentsis all over the world.

“The association has done very important work so far. Language courses, cultural competitions and video screenings have been held, but I think these efforts are not sufficient to preserve the language and culture. We are trying to do new projects; we have been publishing a magazine called GOR: Hemşin Culture Language History magazine since 2014, and our friend Huriye Şahin published a Homshetsi grammar book. We are doing our best,” says Özkan.

Özkan, the author of “Hemşin Stories” (2014) and the translator of Antoine de Saint-Exupéry’s best-seller “The Little Prince” in Homshetsi published in 2016, is now preparing his new linguistic book in which he compares Western Armenian with the Homshetsi language.

“Hemshintsis do not have any official or institutional ties with the Armenian minority community in Turkey. However, we who are active in cultural and artistic life have relationships with Armenian friends. Our connections and relations are based on only friendship,” says Özkan.

Source: https://www.turkishminute.com/2021/08/21/a-unique-group-between-islam-and-armenian-identity/

Reconstruction works of the residential and public buildings, health and educational institutions damaged in the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war continue actively in Stepanakert city, Askeran, Martakert and Martuni regions of Artsakh, Artsakhpress news agency reports. 

“In the capital city Stepanakert, the reconstruction of 892 buildings out of 4,258 damaged in Azerbaijani shelling during the war is complete, works continue at 297 buildings,” press secretary at the Artsakh Republic  Urban Development Ministry Marta Danielyan has told the news agency. 

In her words, reconstruction works are complete at 112 out of damaged 560 buildings in Askeran region, 90 out of damaged 497 buildings in Martakert region and 256 out of 1203 buildings in Martuni region, 

The Artsakh official has added that, in total, 195 companies are involved in the reconstruction works. 

We have stated many times. The authorities of the Republic of Armenia must explain what they are negotiating about. Ishkhan Saghatelyan, the opposition vice-speaker of the National Assembly, on Thursday told this to Armenian News-NEWS.am when asked to comment on the resumption of the activities of the tripartite commission of the Armenian, Russian and Azerbaijani deputy prime ministers—and despite the Armenian authorities’ previous assurances that the resumption of these activities would be possible only after the invading Azerbaijani troops left Armenia.

He reminded that there is information, including official information, that these negotiations are ongoing. “But about what? Is the issue of enclaves being discussed in the negotiations? Is the issue of the Meghri corridor being discussed? What does ‘peace’ mean?” The opposition parliamentary vice-speaker asked.

Saghatelyan stated that the behavior and approaches of the adversary are well known, as taking advantage of the situation, Azerbaijan is trying to snatch the maximum. “Against this background, Azerbaijan also makes impudent and provocative statements, including about [Armenia’s] Vardenis [region], Syunik [Province], and Sevan [region].

The most important question is what the position of the Armenian authorities is in this situation. No one is against negotiations; but negotiations should not be held as a result of pressure. Moreover, we [the Armenian side] cannot make new concessions as a result of these negotiations. There are questions that remain unanswered, whereas the people who have appeared in power in Armenia are not able to serve the interests of the Republic of Armenia,” the opposition vice-speaker of the parliament emphasized.