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Ankara sent letters to the schools on the anniversary of the death of the mass murderer of Armenians Abdul Hamid II

February 24, 2018 By administrator

Ottoman sultan Abdul Hamid II mass murderer who slaughtered Armenians in 1880s.

Ottoman sultan Abdul Hamid II mass murderer who slaughtered Armenians in 1880s.

Ankara Provincial Directorate of National Education, II. Declared mobilization throughout the province for the 100th anniversary of Abdülhamit’s death. In the letter sent to all school directors, instructions were given for organizing the event.

It was requested to organize an activity committee related to the subject, to organize the contests related to the topic, to prepare magazines, newspapers and wall newspapers, organize interviews and to commemorate the programs attended by all the students.

Filed Under: Genocide, News Tagged With: 1880s., Armenians, mass murderer, Ottoman sultan Abdul Hamid II, slaughtered, who

Nagorno-Karabakh: Who won the media war?

May 1, 2016 By administrator

arton125704-480x321Armenian and Azerbaijani forces have fought early April and not just on the field but also to control the narrative of the international media about their long struggle 28 years old for the breakaway region of Nagorno-Karabakh.

The Karabakh conflict has simmered and bubbled during the past 22 years, but in general it has escaped the attention of traditional international journalists. All that changed in the 2 to 5 April with the worst outbreak of violence since the cease-fire in 1994.

However the ability of journalists to cover the conflict varies considerably.

Many foreign journalists were able to enter Karabakh by Armenia unhindered and quickly obtained accreditation upon arrival in the main city, Stepanakert. Local officials de facto held daily press conferences, including question and answer sessions in a central hotel. Public television station offered free satellite links and journalists from Armenia were able to travel independently in civilian vehicles outside the frontline areas.

Every morning, the de facto defense officials and local Karabakh offered to journalists escorted trips in frontline villages such as Talish or Martuni. It was “like a menu in a restaurant, but with only one dish,” joked Gegham Vardanian, editor of a media monitoring site for Initiatives Media Centre based in Yerevan.

On the other side of the divide, journalists found the most difficult conditions. Azerbaijan holds one of the media access control strict policy, particularly in areas close to the front line. The country also has a history of refusing visas to journalists who previously traveled without the consent of Baku in Karabakh and the seven surrounding territories held by Armenian forces and Karabagh.

In a statement on April 12, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Azerbaijan has interpreted this policy of aid to foreign media as an Armenian attempt to “deceive the international community and divert attention from the political and legal responsibility that carry the strength of the Armenian army for the subversive and provocative actions. “

Baku has considerable experience of international media blockbusters accommodation, including the Eurovision Song Contest in 2012 and the European Games in 2015. However, a representative of an international media who managed to cover the conflict in Part Azerbaijan said that press management skills of the government during the surge in Karabakh have been lacking. Speaking to EurasiaNet.org on condition of anonymity, the reporter describes the fast and grueling press tour for journalists from Baku to the front line of “messy”.

“International journalists there [in Karabakh] found themselves filmed much as doing shootings,” said the journalist. “The teams of the Azerbaijani television did a story about us.”

Daylight was fading when the cameraman kept filming the first position, he said. “And when we were taken two hours or more in the next place, it was pitch dark. Not good for the television cameras. “

Some journalists who entered Azerbaijan were arrested or deported. Security officials in the Goranboy region of Azerbaijan have detained and questioned a team of Georgian Rustavi2 television for several hours because they did not have accreditation. After the intervention of Georgian and Azerbaijani diplomats, the crew was able to continue to make his report.

A group of Russian LIFEnews chain, which would allegedly close ties to the Russian security services, was not so lucky. The crew was expelled for lack of accreditation and have also spread the assertion made in the Armenian media that Azerbaijan was using terrorists of the Islamic State against Armenian forces and Karabagh.

The spokesman of the Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry Hikmet Hajiyev did not respond to a request for comment.

Karabakh officials appear to have received outside help in the management of dozens of foreign and local journalists. Aside from the 1988-1994 war, the territory has a limited experience with the international media and the local media scene (a television station, a radio station, a newspaper, and a handful of Web sites) that are far be robust.

Barriers aware Samvel Farmanian, former spokesman of the Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan, a native of Karabakh and who speaks English, told EurasiaNet.org that he volunteered to help. Although Armenia and Karabakh have close ties, Farmanian, is now a member of the Republican Party for President and said that nobody ordered him to go.

“It was a kind of self-nomination,” he emailed.

Armenian celebrities have also turned to rally support. The actress Nazeni Hovhannisian (the Azerbaijani media have incorrectly identified as “female sniper”), singer Shushan Petrosian and satirists Narek Margaryan and Sergey Sargsyan were among those who made the six-hour trip from Yerevan. Azerbaijan has made similar efforts or not could not be determined immediately. A march was held in Baku on April 6.

While the separatist Karabakh and Armenia may have been better placed to supply the cycle of international media, Azerbaijan was not without resources.

Michael Cecire, a regional specialist at the Foreign Policy Research Institute in Philadelphia, said that Azerbaijan has its own sophisticated strategic communications operations in Washington, DC, and Brussels. Over time, “the Azerbaijani perspective of events tended to have the advantage in the pages of many newspapers enjoying a greater international visibility,” he wrote in an email interview.

Three days after the cease-fire was announced on April 5, Azerbaijan agreed to pay his top advisers in US public relations, Podesta Group based in Washington DC, an additional amount of $ 70,000 for three months’ public affairs services, “according to documents filed with the US Department of Justice.

Since January, the Podesta Group benefited from a lobbying contract for six months worth $ 300,000 plus costs with Azerbaijan.

Armenia is not registered with US lobbyists. Much of the presentation for his views on the Karabakh conflict comes through the influential diaspora organizations.

It remains to be seen whether the latest episode of fighting has affected international attention to the unresolved Karabakh conflict. Until this month, Google searches in English for “Karabakh” were rare; almost all research came from Armenia and Azerbaijan, according to Google Trends.

Similarly, as the fighting in April triggered a “social media effusion more active” in the history of the past 28 years of the Karabakh conflict, the impact was internal rather than international, noted Katy Pearce, Assistant Professor communication at the University of Washington.

“Although the message of the Kardashian family [TV-celebrity]” Pray for Armenia “on social media could raise some awareness, I doubt this would have a lasting effect,” a-t- she says.

Editor’s Note:

Robin Forestier-Walker is a freelance journalist based in Tbilisi.

Eurasianet.org

Sunday 1 May 2016
Stéphane © armenews.com

Filed Under: Articles Tagged With: media war?, Nagorno-Karabakh, who, won

Interview: Who Is This ‘Moderate Opposition’ The US Is Arming in Syria?

October 14, 2015 By administrator

1025335687Various Islamist militant groups are hiding behind different names, but they are all fulfilling the same functions as ISIL, and Washington is set to arm the ‘Syrian opposition’ without being able to tell one group from another, the founder and editor of International NSNBC news portal Dr. Christof Lehmann told Radio Sputnik.

Lehman does not believe that giving arms to the Syrian opposition, a policy of the US government, can possibly help stabilize the situation in the region, he said in an interview on Tuesday.
“I think, the US should answer [a] series of questions. Number one: who exactly is this opposition? Are they wearing military uniforms, insignia, who is commanding them, what exactly is the command structure, are they adherent to the rules of warfare, etc? All that we don’t have any answers [to],” the expert revealed.
By refusing to provide the Russian military with ISIL’s coordinates in Syria, the US-led coalition is conducting its own strategy, Lehman explains.
“It’s an attempt to spread the belt of low-intensity conflicts from the Mediterranean to Baluchistan along the soft and resource-rich underbelly of Russia and former Soviet republics … to China, Lehmann describes. “That’s an attempt to destabilize that region and to weaken the Russian Federation and other Central-Asian countries,” he points out.
“[The] Russian government’s assessment … that airstrikes in Syria would be necessary also to maintain Russian national security interests is a correct one,” Lehman stated.
Commenting on a recent announcement by a spokesman of al-Nusra Front, an al-Qaeda branch in Syria, calling for a crusade against Russia to avenge their airstrikes, Lehman shed light on the affiliations and purpose of this organization.
“Al-Nusra [Front] is … Saudi, in part Qatar, in part pro-Israeli proxy… These statements are basically a proxy’s statements towards Russia within the context of creating the belt of low-intensity conflicts [across the region],” Lehman described.
There little difference between the various Islamist militant groups, currently waging war in Syria, the expert points out.
“These organizations, al-Nusra [Front], ISIL, Liwa al-Islam, Southern Shield, and others – all can easily swap names, be exchanged, have a slight change in command structure, but the function remains the same,” Lehman revealed.
Defeating ISIL won’t be enough, he believes.
“It doesn’t really matter, whether one would defeat ISIL, or whether ISIL disintegrates… There will be others who have exactly the same function,” Lehman added.
The expert sees a reconfiguration of the Middle East unavoidable.
“There are issues like the drawing of borders by former colonial powers, there is a Kurdish question, the latest national group that doesn’t have a state,” Lehmann explained, and concluded “There are a lot of issues there.”

Source: sputniknews.com

Filed Under: Articles Tagged With: Army, Free, Syrian, US, who

Who is HDP Leader Selahattin Demirtaş?

June 8, 2015 By administrator

Selahattin Demirtas

Selahattin Demirtas

Selahattin Demirtaş was born in Diyarbakır, Turkey in 1973 where he completed both his primary and secondary education. Upon graduation he took the university entrance exam and started his college education in 9 Eylül University in the department of Maritime Commerce and Management where he would face political problems that would force him to leave school without finishing his degree. He returned to Diyarbakır and retook the university entrance exam, after which he enrolled at Ankara University Law Faculty. After college, Demirtaş worked as a freelance lawyer for a time before becoming a member of the executive committee of the Diyarbakır Branch of the Human Rights Association (IHD). The IHD Chair at the time was Osman Baydemir who was elected as the mayor of Diyarbakır in the following local election and Demirtaş replaced him as the chair of the IHD Diyarbakır. During his term as chair, the association focused heavily on the increasing unsolved political murders in Turkey. Demirtaş is among the founding members of the Turkish Human Rights Association (TIHV) and the Diyarbakır post of Amnesty International.

Demirtaş started his political career as a member of the Democratic Society Party (DTP) in 2007 at which time he stood as one of the ‘Thousand Hope Candidates’ for the DTP and several other democratic organizations in Turkey. He was elected to the 23rd Parliament and became the Parliamentary Chief Officer for the party at the age of 34.

The DTP was closed down by a Supreme Court order in 2009 and the DTP MPs moved to the Peace and Democracy Party (BDP). The BDP held its first congress in 2010 and elected Selahattin Demirtaş and Gültan Kışanak as its new co-chairs. Demirtaş contested the 2011 elections as part of the joint ‘Labor, Democracy and Freedom’ list endorsed by the BDP and 18 different democratic political organizations, this time from Hakkari. He was reelected to the 24th parliament.

Demirtaş was the co-chair of BDP during the period when the peace process and negotiations kick-started in Turkey. In 2014 Demirtaş and Figen Yüksekdağ were elected to be the new co-chairs of the Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) – a new initiative originating from a three-year-old coalition of the BDP and various different political parties and organization under the auspices of the Peoples’ Democratic Congress (HDK). Peoples’ Candidate for Change, Selahattin Demirtaş is married to Başak Demirtaş and is the father of two young girls, Delal and Dılda.

Demirtaş described his vision for Presidency on June 30, 2014 in a few words during the press conference in which he announced his candidacy: “We aim to put an end to the over-serious and scary statist persona now in place; to show everyone that the state can be governed in a cheerful and democratic manner too. We will work to make the State and the Presidency serve the people and to make all state organs function at the behest of the people.”

Filed Under: Articles Tagged With: HDP, Selahattin Demirtas, who

Istanbul: Depo invites audience to think about Turkey’s Armenians, past and present

April 11, 2015 By administrator

BY  RUMEYSA KIGER / ISTANBUL

100 Ottoman Armenian intellectuals who were arrested

100 Ottoman Armenian intellectuals who were arrested

This is a segment from a collection of portraits by artist Nalan Yırtmaç of 100 Ottoman Armenian intellectuals who were arrested and taken to concentration camps on April 24, 1915, created for the exhibition “Without knowing where we are headed…” Report ZAMAN

A new exhibition at the Depo art and culture center in İstanbul by artists Nalan Yırtmaç and Anti-Pop points a finger at the brutality experienced by Armenian people living in the Ottoman Empire and in Turkey.

On display since April 4 on the first floor of Depo in the Tophane neighborhood, “Without knowing where we are headed…” invites the audience to reflect on both the past and the present day.

The exhibition is made up of portraits of 100 Armenian intellectuals who were among the more than 200 significant figures from the Armenian community who were arrested on April 24, 1915, upon the order of Talat Pasha, the interior minister of the time.

These intellectuals, most of whom were arrested in İstanbul one day before the Allied landings in Çanakkale (Gallipoli), were taken to two concentration camps in Çankırı and Ayaş, near Ankara.

According to the exhibition catalogue, “These arrests constitute the first step of the Committee of Union and Progress government’s decision of deportation, which soon evolved into genocide. Following the arrest of approximately 250 people [starting] the night of the April 23 and lasting through April 24, a massive police operation was set in motion targeting 2,500 people over the course of a couple of days.”

Yırtmaç picked 100 of these opinion leaders and made new portraits of them. “This work pulls them out from under the generic heading of ‘arrested and cast-out Armenians‘ and turns them into people with familiar names and faces, the active participants of the cosmopolitan Ottoman intellectual milieu,” she explains in the catalogue.

She produced the portraits in her own language based on photographs from the few publications that have survived to present day.

On the wall right across from the portraits, another powerful work by Anti-Pop links these killings with a recent one, the assassination of Armenian-Turkish journalist Hrant Dink in 2007.

“The work created by Anti-Pop immediately after the assassination of Hrant Dink on Jan. 19, 2007 is exhibited alongside these portraits, drawing attention to the agonizing continuity between 1915 and the massacre of Dink. On one side there are intellectuals arrested and killed 100 years ago, and on the other a revolutionary who paid with his life only a few years ago for believing that Turks and Armenians would reconstruct their own identities on healthy grounds and live in equality and freedom,” the artists explain.

The show aims at coming to terms with the great catastrophe experienced in the Ottoman state and Turkey, “to bow our heads and mourn together,” they say.

A letter dated May 30, 1915 written by an Armenian prisoner at the Ayaş camp, Sımpas Pürad, is also featured in the show’s catalogue. It reads: “Last week, from among us, Agnuni, Khajag, Zartaryan, Cangülyan, Dağavaryan and Sarkis Minasyan were summoned by Ankara and they set on the road. We do not know their whereabouts now. I grieve, because although we suffered so much hardship under the autocratic regime, we are still being unjustly persecuted in this era of freedom and constitutionalism. Was this the fortune to befall those who suffered and toiled for the sake of the motherland all those years?”

Journalist, political activist and educator Karekin Khajag also wrote to her wife and family: “My Dear, They’re sending me far, so far away from you, towards Dikranagert [Diyarbakır]. With me, are the following prisoners of Ayaş: Agnuni, Zartar, Sarkis Minasyan, Dr. Dağavaryan and Cihangül. At the Ereğli train station, I met an Armenian who promised me to deliver this letter to you. Look after yourself and my girls Nunus and Alos well. We don’t know why they brought us here, but I have great hope that we will see each other once again. So, goodbye, I’m kissing you and my sweet girls. Yours, K. Khajag.”

“Without knowing where we are headed…” will continue until April 26 at Depo. For more information, visit www.depoistanbul.net, www.anti-pop.com and nalanyirtmac.blogspot.com.tr.

Filed Under: Genocide, News Tagged With: Armenian, arrested, Intellectuals, Turkey, were, who

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