This morning the leaflets were posted in front of each door in Istanbul claiming that the HDP party was anti-Islam and pro-Armenian.
After switching positions, Gephardt and his lobbying firm have taken $8 million from Turkish government
By Chuck Raasch,
WASHINGTON • As a member of Congress, Dick Gephardt often spoke passionately about the need for the United States to recognize as genocide the mass deaths of as many as 1.5 million Armenians under the Turkish government that began one century ago. Report ST. Louis Post Dispatch
But as a lobbyist for Turkey since leaving Congress in 2005, Gephardt, a Democrat, has taken the opposite side. His behind-the-scenes work has been cited as a factor in the annual failure of Congress to recognize the Armenian genocide.
Justice Department records show that Gephardt’s lobbying firm has been paid more than $8 million since 2008 to fight the declaration and represent Turkey on other contentious issues, including repatriation of Christian holy sites seized over the last century in that Muslim nation.
Now, in the 100th-anniversary year of what Armenians refer to as Meds Yeghern — “great calamity” — two Armenian-American groups are pressuring Gephardt’s lobbying firm to drop Turkey as a client, and for companies to drop Gephardt as their lobbyist.
Gephardt, who declined to respond to repeated interview requests, has ignored the Armenian groups’ letters. Three companies have ended contracts with the Gephardt Group since the two Armenian-American groups launched a letter-writing campaign in January, although none publicly tied the decision to the letters.
Critics of the former congressman from St. Louis say he is just another example of the revolving door between electoral office and the lucrative lobbying business, where policy positions seem to change based on who’s paying the bill.
Son of a Milkman
Gephardt often described himself as the son of a milkman in 18 years representing St. Louis in Congress. He campaigned as a Midwestern everyman, champion of the working class, with All-American ambitions that led to two unsuccessful campaigns for the White House. But since leaving office, he has been emblematic of the path from elective office to private influence, as ex-members of Congress and their former staffers use the power and prestige they built in public office to segue to lucrative lobbying careers. The nonpartisan watchdog Center for Responsive Politics lists 427 ex-members of Congress who have lobbied or advised lobbyists, including former Republican U.S. senators from Missouri Jim Talent, John Ashcroft and Christopher “Kit” Bond.
When he retired from Congress in 2007, Gephardt told the Post-Dispatch that, as a lobbyist, he would be “involved in the same issues I used to be involved in.” He looked forward to weekends off for the first time in 30 years. He built a house in Sonoma, Calif., and had a condo in Naples, Fla., and promised his wife, Jane, that after tromping through Iowa and New Hampshire presidential snows, she would never be cold again.
Gephardt also said that his views of relations between the U.S. and Turkey — often described as the world’s leading Muslim democracy — changed profoundly after the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks.
“We’ve got to have models out there of Muslim governments that are moderate and successful,” he said.
And yet in 2003, while running for president two years after 9/11, Gephardt co-sponsored HR193, which said recognition of “Armenian Genocide,” along with the Holocaust and genocide in Cambodia and Rwanda, must be recognized to “help prevent future genocides.”
Four years later, he was accepting money from Turkey to fight such recognition.
Over the last six years, the Gephardt Group has earned $4.7 million to $6.7 million annually from a host of corporations and associations, including Google, Goldman Sachs and Boeing, and St. Louis area employers Ameren, Anheuser-Busch, Peabody Energy and Prairie State Generating, according to CRP.
Besides Turkey, Gephardt has had contracts worth a collective $1.4 million representing Taiwan, Georgia, El Salvador and South Korea, according to Justice Department records.
His company’s most recent contract with Turkey, signed in March, is for $170,000 a month, with roughly half going to subcontractors, including a firm that employed former Republican House Speaker Dennis Hastert.
In 2013, Gephardt and Hastert helped arrange a visit to Turkey for eight members of Congress. According to the National Journal, they did so by exploiting loopholes in lobbying reforms passed in the wake of the Jack Abramoff scandal that ended lobbyists’ ability to pay for trips for members of Congress. Lobbyists can, however, plan and accompany members on trips paid for by foreign governments, as the National Journal said happened in this case.
In lobbying for Turkey, Gephardt has stepped to the other side of a highly polarizing, highly charged debate. In recent months, other governments, including Germany, have declared the deaths of Armenians genocide. Pope Francis in April urged such recognition.
In response, the Turkish government — saying modern Turkey should not have to atone for what it calls deaths from war and starvation in the Ottoman Empire in World War I — has pulled envoys from the Vatican.
In the U.S., the Armenian genocide debate is “inflamed” by politically active, second- and third-generation Armenian-Americans whose identity is wrapped in a belief that history demands recognition of genocide, said Edward Erickson, a professor of military history at the Marine Corps Command and Staff College in Quantico, Va.
But geopolitically, said Erickson, author of a dozen books on Turkey, “the United States needs Turkey a lot more than Turkey needs the United States.”
Among Armenian-Americans, there is a simple explanation for Gephardt’s shift.
It “is premised on one thing, and one thing only, which is money,” said Kenneth Hachikian, chairman of the Armenian National Committee of America.
“The cause of genocide prevention, a core moral imperative of our age, requires, as the pope so powerfully stated, that we not engage in ‘concealing or denying evil,’” Hachikian, a second-generation Armenian-American, told a congressional hearing in April.
At that hearing, Rep. Chris Smith, R-N.J., said Turkey’s “campaign of denial … underwrites a disinformation campaign to confuse the historical record.” After the hearing, he identified Gephardt as a key lobbyist in that effort.
The code of discretion
“As a matter of policy, we don’t discuss our clients,” said Thomas O’Donnell, a co-founding partner in Gephardt’s lobbying firm and his former chief of staff in Congress.Through O’Donnell, Gephardt declined interview requests.O’Donnell is among several Gephardt employees with deep roots in Turkish-American relations. Another is Michael Messmer, vice president of Gephardt Government Affairs, and a St. Louis native. He was also on Gephardt’s House leadership staff and later was assistant director of the Congress and U.S. Foreign Policy program at the influential Council on Foreign Relations.
The CRP says 29 former Gephardt Capitol Hill staffers are lobbyists or have worked for lobbying firms.
Messmer also did not respond to interview requests, nor did Hastert. Turkey’s embassy in Washington did not respond to multiple calls and emails.
Gephardt, 74, is not alone in lobbying for positions opposite those taken while in public office. Bond opposed Obamacare as a senator but lobbied the Missouri Legislature in 2014 to expand Medicaid, a key component of President Barack Obama’s health care reforms.
But Gephardt’s change on the genocide issue is stark because of the passion he once brought to the position.
In 1998, speaking to frequent applause from the Armenian National Committee of America in a Capitol Hill event, Gephardt called for Congress to “solemnly remember the genocide which occurred many years ago, but which so deeply affected so many families and people in Armenia. We must always keep that fact, those real facts, in our mind.”
But after going to work for Turkey in 2007, he told the Post-Dispatch that he was working toward a reconciliation that would avoid a genocide declaration, to “get all the facts on the table and let the chips fall where they may.”
Gephardt’s about-face on the issue is mirrored by that of President Barack Obama.
As a candidate in 2008, Obama said “the facts are undeniable” that genocide occurred. And yet in April, Obama avoided using the word “genocide” in his annual statement on the events in Armenia for the seventh consecutive time.
Instead, Obama used “massacre,” “horrific violence” and “dark chapter of history.”
While advocates for genocide recognition say that Turkey cannot move on from a dark chapter by denying it, some historians say the record is not clear in implicating the Turkish government.
Turkey has driven home that uncertainty with the help of not only Gephardt and Hastert, but ex-Republican House leader Bob Livingston and former administration and Pentagon officials.
Records at the Justice Department show scores of Gephardt meetings, email exchanges, arranged visits on Capitol Hill with Turkish diplomats and contacts with the highest officials of the Obama administration, including former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton.
In late 2010, for instance, records show Gephardt lobbied Clinton, top Obama advisers and members of Congress days before then-House Speaker Nancy Pelosi pulled back a promised vote on a genocide resolution.
In the wake of actions like this, fellow Democrats have become some of Gephardt’s biggest critics.
“It really impairs having credibility on human rights issues when we pick and choose the genocides we recognize,” said Rep. Adam Schiff, D-Calif., the top Democrat on the House Intelligence Committee and a persistent critic of Gephardt’s about-face.
However, Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Bob Corker, R-Tenn., dismissed the impact of the revolving door on stopping the Armenian genocide declaration.
“The relationship we have with Turkey and its importance to so many things that are happening in the region right now” is reason enough to avoid it, he said.
Letter-writing campaign
In January, as the 100th anniversary of Meds Yeghern approached, two Armenian-American groups began pressuring Gephardt and his clients.“The American corporate community must have a zero-tolerance policy against any action that either covers up past genocides or in any way contributes to future atrocities,” declared a Jan. 28 letter to the former congressman signed by leaders of the groups, the Armenian National Committee of America and the Armenian Assembly of America.“To that end, as a courtesy, we would like to inform you that we have reached out to all of your clients … to educate them about your lobbying on behalf of the Turkish government.”
The groups sent letters to roughly 200 clients who had hired either Gephardt or other lobbying firms that represented Turkey, saying the companies had a “troubling relationship” with genocide deniers.
The results of the letter campaign are unclear.
Spokesmen for Google, Boeing and of St. Louis-area companies Ameren, Anheuser-Busch and Peabody either refused to comment or said they had no record of receiving the letter.
But Frederick D. Palmer, Peabody’s senior vice president for government relations, wrote back to the Armenian-American groups saying his company would not drop lobbyists just because they represented Turkey.
“The events you describe are tragic indeed, but there is no basis to punish Turkey today, an ally for more than 60 years along with being a democratic and free market example that is rare in the region,” Palmer wrote.
The Los Angeles World Airport canceled its $20,000-a-month contract with Gephardt exactly a month after the letter was sent. Mary Grady, managing director of media and public relations for the airport, declined to say why.
Mike Zampa, communications director for the Port of Oakland, said the port allowed a $160,000 contract with Gephardt to expire in January but described it as a normal change.
The Human Rights Campaign also canceled its $10,000 monthly contract, but Fred Sainz, the rights organization’s director of communications, said it had “nothing to do with the Armenia letter.”
A lobbyist left the Gephardt Group, Sainz said, “and we followed him to his new firm.”
Turkey daily accuses authorities of smuggling jihadis to Syria
A Turkish daily Friday published images it said showed the Turkish spy agency helping to smuggle jihadis into Syria, the latest allegations by the newspaper accusing the authorities of aiding extremist groups across the border, AFP reports.
The government had last week lambasted the Cumhuriyet daily for publishing video footage the paper said showed the National Intelligence Organization (MIT) helping send weapons to Syria early last year.
President Recep Tayyip Erdogan said its editor Can Dundar would pay a “heavy price” and promptly filed a criminal complaint demanding he serves multiple life sentences.
But Friday’s story showed the staunchly secular Cumhuriyet is not giving any ground in an increasingly tense standoff with the Islamic-rooted government ahead of Sunday’s legislative elections.
Cumhuriyet said that a group of jihadis were first brought to the Turkish border town of Reyhanli on January 9, 2014 from Atme refugee camp in Syria in a clandestine operation.
From there, they were smuggled into Tal Abyad, a border town used by ISIS as a gateway from Turkey, on two buses rented by the MIT, Cumhuriyet claimed.
Source: Panorama.am
Dozens injured in Turkish election protests against pro-Kurdish poll rally
Police fire tear gas and water cannon to disperse nationalists demonstrating against pro-Kurdish poll rally.
Dozens of people have been injured in eastern Turkey, local officials say, after police fired tear gas and water cannon to disperse nationalists protesting against an election rally by the pro-Kurdish People’s Democratic Party (HDP).Thursday’s clashes in the northeastern city of Erzurum were the latest in a string of incidents in the run-up to Sunday’s parliamentary elections, in which the HDP is trying to clear a 10 percent threshold for entering parliament as a party under proportional representation.
The unrest erupted a day after unidentified men opened fire on a HDP campaign bus in Kurdish-majority eastern Bingol province, killing the driver.
The governor’s office for Bingol said an investigation into the shooting had been launched.
Around 1,000 Turkish nationalists stormed the rally in the main square of Erzurum, an area seen as a bastion for Turkish nationalists.
About 2,000 HDP supporters had gathered to hear Selahattin Demirtas, the party leader, speak at the rally.
His appearance had been seen as a bold statement in a region where his party is far from popular, as it tries to win votes from outside its southeastern Kurdish-majority heartland.
Should the HDP pass the 10 percent threshold, it would become more difficult for President Recep Tayyip Erdogan to reach his goal of changing the constitution to boost presidential powers.
Private NTV television showed the demonstrators breaking through police barricades, before security forces responded with tear gas and water cannon.
The demonstrators, mostly young people, waved Turkish flags and chanted slogans such as “This is Erzurum, there is no way out from here” and “God is greatest”.
A minibus driver suffered severe burns when his vehicle, covered with HDP flags, was set on fire, the Dogan news agency said.
Security forces thanked
Ahmet Altiparmak, Erzurum’s governor, said in a statement quoted by Turkish media that 38 people had been wounded, including 11 police, 17 HDP supporters and 10 protesters.
But he also thanked the security forces and public for showing sensitivity so that the situation did not get out of hand.
The injuries were said to be not serious.
Demirtas went on with the rally and urged caution, saying: “There are only three days left. We will continue to work with patience, without allowing provocations.”
The HDP has long been accused by Turkish nationalists of being linked to the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), which has waged a decades-long armed insurgency in the southeast for Kurdish autonomy.
In May, two blasts targeting HDP’s headquarters in the southern cities of Adana and Mersin injured several people.
Source: aljazeera.com
Politico report: Dennis Hastert’s lobbying firm Dickstein Shapiro reeling after indictment
By TARINI PARTI and ANNA PALMER,
It has faced an exodus of talent over the past year and lost major client contracts.
A week after the indictment of its most high-profile lobbyist, former House Speaker Dennis Hastert, law firm Dickstein Shapiro has gone underground.
Already struggling to rebound from a huge decline in its K Street lobbying business, the firm isn’t talking to the news media and does not appear to have mounted a behind-the-scenes PR offensive to keep clients from fleeing amid the Hastert scandal.
None of the firm’s clients — including the Republic of Turkey, Secure ID Coalition and Fuels America — would confirm to POLITICO whether they intend to keep Dickstein Shapiro on their consultant rosters. Sources affiliated with some Dickstein Shapiro clients also said they had not heard from the firm since Hastert’s indictment on May 28.
Although Hastert wasn’t considered a top K Street rainmaker, according to industry insiders, the scandal was the last thing the beleaguered lobbying practice needed. The firm has faced an exodus of lobbying talent over the past year and the loss of major client contracts. Dickstein billed just $130,000 on behalf of only eight clients for the first quarter of 2015 — not close to being on track for its overall 2014 billings, when it brought in $3.7 million for the year, according to Senate lobbying disclosures.
Melvin ‘Mel’ Watt, director of the Federal Housing Finance Agency (FHFA), listens during a Financial Stability Oversight Council (FSOC) meeting at the U.S. Treasury in Washington, D.C., U.S., on Wednesday, May 7, 2014. The FSOC today unanimously approved its 2014 annual report, which was developed collaboratively by the members of the Council and their agencies and staffs. Photographer: Andrew Harrer/Bloomberg via Getty Images
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Mel Watt: I heard ‘unseemly rumor’ about Hastert
CLEA BENSON
Hastert, who left Congress in 2007 and had prestige as the longest-serving Republican House speaker, was a well-connected former member who could offer his clients better access to lawmakers and a keen understanding of the legislative process. He signed a client – Secure ID Coalition — to work on issues “related to identity policy solutions” just weeks before the indictment came down, based on the disclosures.
Earlier this year, Hastert attracted media attention when he reportedly delivered a personal pitch to senators in the Senate Reception Room on behalf of Fuels America in favor of the renewable fuel standard. Some watchdog groups questioned whether Hastert was violating rules barring former lawmakers-turned-lobbyists from the House and Senate floor, but, according to the reports, Hastert lobbied members in private rooms and used the reception room just to greet members.
Dickstein Shapiro declined to respond to several inquiries for this story.
Instead, a spokesman for the firm again sent its statement from last week: “Dennis Hastert has resigned from the firm. Scott Thomas will continue to lead the Public Policy & Political Law Practice.”
Thomas also did not respond to several requests for comment.
Hastert has been in hiding since the indictment was issued. He is set to be arraigned next week on a federal indictment based on allegations that he sought to cover up a deal to pay $3.5 million to an acquaintance over “prior misconduct.” The Illinois Republican had already paid $1.7 million of that amount in small increments from various banks, and reports have said the payments were made as compensation to a former student for prior sexual misconduct.
News reports in recent days have named Barry Levine — a Dickstein partner and former defense lawyer for attempted Reagan assassin John Hinckley — as a defense attorney for the former speaker. However, Levine has yet to enter a formal appearance in the court docket, fueling speculation that the firm might try to step away from Hastert in order to get its name out of the spotlight. Levine didn’t respond to requests for comment.
While the firm’s external communications have all but shut down, Dickstein Shapiro quickly removed the former speaker’s bio from its website last week.
WASHINGTON – NOVEMBER 15: Former Speaker of the House Dennis Hastert (R-IL) speaks with reporters after delivering his farewell address to Congress November 15, 2007 in Washington, DC. He announced his resignation today and said he will leave office before the end of December. Hastert, 65, announced in August he would not seek reelection in 2008. Hastert was the longest-serving Republican speaker in U.S. history, and the first speaker since 1955 to remain in Congress after losing the speakership. (Photo by Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images) *** Local Caption *** Dennis Hastert
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Hastert’s arraignment pushed to next week
JOSH GERSTEIN
Additionally, the firm appears to have wiped all mention of Hastert from its previous news releases. For example, a recent release announcing the addition of former CIA director and House member Porter Goss previously touted that Goss would be joining Hastert and included a statement from the now-indicted former speaker. The same release now on the firm’s website seems to have been edited to purge all mentions of Hastert — even in a statement from Goss.
Law firm consultants and recruiters said Dickstein Shapiro shouldn’t try to ignore the ongoing scandal because it invites more scrutiny over what the firm knew and how they are handling the aftermath.
“In the short term, things like this are always a major issue, and certainly this is not something that Dickstein needed at this particular moment in the firm’s history,” said Ivan Adler, a veteran legal recruiter at the McCormick Group. Still, Adler said he doesn’t believe this is the “straw that will break the camel’s back” as long as the firm addresses it in a “strategic way both externally and internally.”
Another veteran crisis communications consultant added: “There isn’t much more that Dickstein Shapiro can say at this point beyond the termination of Hastert’s services, or else it becomes more of the story that could hurt its reputation. However, a comment made by the head of the office about how shocked and saddened they are by the situation would go a long way towards keeping their credibility. For legal reasons, the organization may not be able to make statements because of the manner on which Hastert separated from the firm.”
And some expressed doubts about the firm’s ability to right the ship.
“It is going to make clients scratch their heads how does this kind of stuff, particularly at a law firm, go unnoticed and unchecked,” said a managing partner at a Washington law firm. “They’ve already lost a significant number of partners, and now they have a failing management structure allowing allegedly criminal activity under its nose, and they are representing the person perpetrating the crime. … The reason to say nothing is because they have nothing to say.”
Meanwhile, another Dickstein partner — Justin Chiarodo — still represents Hastert in a civil lawsuit alleging he used his official former speaker’s office for private gain. Hastert’s legal team in that case includes his son Ethan, a partner at law firm Mayer Brown. The team continued firing off legal salvos in that case through Wednesday afternoon even as the former speaker remained silent about the criminal charges.
Former House Speaker, Rep. Dennis Hastert, R-Ill., walks through Statuary Hall on Capitol Hill in Washington, Thursday, Nov. 15, 2007, after delivering a speech on the House floor where he announced his plans to leave the House of Representatives by the end of the year. (AP Photos/Susan Walsh)
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‘I’m a victim, too,’ says Hastert. Oh, yeah?
ROGER SIMON
Dickstein’s problems began long before news of Hastert’s misconduct surfaced. The firm has been plagued with dozens of departures by lawyers and lobbyists in recent years. In 2013, the entire firm faced a 35 percent drop in profits. And last year its longtime lobbying practice leader, Andrew Zausner, decamped, along with 13 lawyers and lobbyists, including three former members of Congress, to rival law firm Greenberg Traurig.
Following the departures, the firm’s lobbying-client portfolio shrank significantly after it lost more than three dozen clients last year, including its highest-paying clients: tobacco giant Lorillard, Peabody Energy, Bayer Corp. and Covanta Energy Corp.
More recently, the firm lost four partners to Cozen O’ Connor, which launched a new state attorneys general practice.
K Street insiders say the firm placed Hastert as co-leader of its lobbying practice because of his name identification.
Dickstein Shapiro currently lobbies on behalf of the American Greyhound Track Operators Association, Fuels America, Grain Management LLC, Lerner Enterprises, Pritikin ICR LLC and Secure ID Coalition, according to federal lobbying disclosures.
Hastert was on four of those accounts, in addition to working as a subcontractor through Gephardt Government Affairs for the Republic of Turkey, which paid the firm about $240,000 last year. A senior official at Gephardt said the client asked that the firm not talk about the Hastert matter. The Republic of Turkey did not respond to several requests for comment.
Josh Gerstein contributed to this report.
Read more: http://www.politico.com/story/2015/06/dennis-hastert-lobbying-firm-118603.html#ixzz3c7khN6pc
Turkey’s election system the ‘most unfair’ in the world “10% threshold”
Turkey is set to hold parliamentary elections on June 7. But, under the country’s unique voting system, any outcome is set to be biased. Sertan Sanderson reports.
With days to go until general elections, the fairness of Turkey’s voting system has come under international scrutiny. When compared with other democracies, the Turkish voting system would appear to be biased toward winners, deliberately leaving political underdogs in the lurch.
The British daily newspaper The Guardian reported that Turkey had “the world’s most unfair election system.” This was based on the fact that a 10 percent threshold kept smaller political movements from entering parliament – forfeiting dozens of seats to their rivals under the so-called d’Hondt voting system, which allocates parliamentary seats proportionally according to vote totals.
The Guardian, however, criticized that Turkey only allocated seats in proportional numbers to political parties that won at least 10 percent of the vote.
Threshold not unique to Turkey
Though such a barrier is not exclusive to Turkey, 10 percent is the highest threshold of its kind. German politics employ a 5 percent threshold, and many other countries – the United Kingdom, France and Portugal among them – don’t feature any such hurdle.
The Turkish voting system is also regarded as unjust for facilitating minority governments. Under certain circumstances, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s Justice and Development Party (AKP) could manage to gain a majority of parliamentary seats with merely 45 percent of the popular vote, in which case the wishes of 55 percent of the electorate could effectively be ignored.
These elections guidelines could create an unpredictable outcome at Sunday’s polls. While AKP has managed to grow support in its 13-year-reign, taking full advantage of the 10 percent threshold, the latest polls suggest that its luck may change. The Konda Research and Consultancy institute in Istanbul gave the party of President Erdogan and Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoglu only about 41 percent of the vote.
The rise of HDP supporters
The reason for this shift could be the rise of the Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP). With the latest projections showing the new movement dangerously close to reaching 10 percent, Erdogan took to the streets in person to attract more AKP votes – despite a ban prohibiting the president from campaigning for elections.
If the HDP were to win 10 percent, the AKP would lose 70 seats in Turkey’s Grand National Assembly, and with it its majority status. Sinan Ulgen, head of the Centre for Economic and Foreign Policy Studies in Istanbul, said that this election was going to be fraught with surprises:
“The outcome of the June 7 elections will be a lot more difficult to predict than the last two campaigns,” he told DW. “The truth of the matter is that HDP has come very close to overcoming such a great political hurdle as the 10 percent rule. In fact, it will likely overcome it.”
Historically attracting between 5 and 6 percent of the vote, the HDP’s momentum could therefore be a direct threat to 13 years of the AKP’s unchallenged rule. But a coalition between the two parties has largely been ruled out.
Other contenders, such as the Republican People’s Party (CHP) and the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), should be growing equally worried. Anti-AKP voters are seen as strategically aligning their vote with the HDP (in lieu of other opposition parties), hoping to keep the anti-establishment spirit of the 2013 Gezi Park protests in Istanbul alive at the ballot boxes. The HDP was the biggest party supporter of the protests.
Even if the three opposition parties were to gain more seats combined than the AKP, a coalition looks highly unlikely because of their fundamental differences.
Turkey’s unusual approach to democracy
As president, Erdogan would also have the liberty to give the AKP a mandate to build a minority government – another odd feature of Turkey’s distinctive approach to democracy. Despite having more combined votes and seats than the AKP, a hypothetical coalition of all opposition parties would therefore still remain just that: the opposition.
In a show of pro-democracy attitude, the AKP has eased procedures involved in casting votes abroad, inviting almost 3 million Turks living in foreign states – including more than 1 million in Germany – to partake in elections. In the end it was reported that the initiative attracted 37 percent of those living abroad, or slightly over 1 million votes in total.
Turkish elections tend to attract some of the world’s highest turnouts, averaging about 85 percent voter participation – partly because of to the fact that voting was made compulsory as part of electoral reforms in 1983. The 10 percent threshold was also introduced then.
Ironically, all this was done in order to keep pro-Kurdish factions out of parliament, feeding the pro-Kurdish HDP’s ambition to break this barrier even more. But, at the same time, it is exactly a high turnout that opposition parties should dread most, as high attendance is statistically linked in Turkey to re-electing incumbent governments.
Erdogan needs majority to change constitution
With Erdogan hoping to change Turkey’s constitution if the AKP wins re-election, there is more at stake than merely a balance sheet of parliamentary seats. Depending on the election’s outcome, the president could push a referendum or single-handedly change the constitution if the AKP were to win a two-thirds majority of parliamentary seats.
Erdogan wants to give the presidency, hitherto only a ceremonial head-of-state role, far-reaching powers under proposed changes to the constitution – a move that many experts have interpreted as a further step away from democracy.
The upcoming 25th general elections will be closely monitored as they could decide the ultimate fate of Turkey’s democracy. With a voting system in place that has already been attacked for its imbalances and injustices, it might be hard to imagine that things could get worse.
Source: DW.com
Under Erdogan dictatorship Journalist Baransu faces 52 years in jail for coverage of MGK report
Journalist Mehmet Baransu, who was indicted for publishing classified documents from a 2004 National Security Council (MGK) meeting during which council members had discussed an action plan targeting the faith-based Gülen movement, is facing a prison term of 52 years, with the first hearing of his trial taking place at an İstanbul court on Wednesday.
The MGK document dated Aug. 25, 2004 persuades the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) government to implement a series of measures to curb the activities of the Gülen movement, also known as the Hizmet movement. It advises the government to adopt legal measures that would impose harsh penalties on Gülen-affiliated institutions.
Immediately after Baransu’s report was published in the Taraf daily on Nov. 28, 2013, the Prime Ministry, the National Intelligence Organization (MIT) and the MGK filed a joint criminal complaint against the daily and Baransu for revealing confidential state documents. The complaint immediately turned into an investigation into the journalist, with Baransu facing charges of acquiring confidential documents crucial to state security, revealing information that is forbidden from being publicized and political and military espionage.
The first hearing of the trial was held at the Anatolia 10th High Criminal Court on Wednesday. Baransu, who is currently under arrest in Silivri Prison as a result of another investigation, did not attend the hearing.
Baransu was arrested by the İstanbul 5th Penal Court in March over documents he had submitted to prosecutors regarding the Sledgehammer (Balyoz) coup plot against the government in 2010.
Since November 2013, Taraf has published several confidential documents suggesting that the ruling AK Party and MİT have been profiling individuals linked to various religious and faith-based groups, mainly the Gülen movement, inspired by Turkish-Islamic scholar Fethullah Gülen. The party confirmed the authenticity of the documents but argued that no action was taken to implement the policy prescriptions indicated therein.
In the indictment, the prosecutor’s office said although the entire contents of the Aug. 25, 2004 MGK meeting was required to be kept confidential, Baransu covered it on the front page of the newspaper, thus openly violating laws that provide a shield of secrecy for MGK meetings and documents.
In addition to Baransu, Taraf’s then-managing editor Murat Şevki Çoban is also implicated for his role in allowing Baransu’s story to be published. Çoban is also facing a prison term of 52 years.
Delivering his defense statement, Çoban said the report should be interpreted within the scope of press freedom. Stating that the exposure of a crime does not constitute a crime, Çoban sought his acquittal.
In the meantime, Baransu testified to a prosecutor at the İstanbul Courthouse in Çağlayan on Thursday based on a complaint by Esat Burak Uzundere, the user of pro-government Twitter troll account Esat Ç, known for posting insulting and inflammatory messages targeting people who do not support the AK Party.
Uzundere’s complaint was based on a Twitter post by Baransu on him on the grounds that Baransu had violated his privacy.
In one of his earlier tweets, Baransu revealed Esat Ç’s real identity as Uzundure, which was later confirmed by a court, and exposed his link to the AK Party.
Meanwhile, Baransu’s lawyer and family members were disappointed and upset that the journalist was taken to Çağlayan on Thursday, the only day that they are allowed to have an open visit.
Baransu’s lawyer Sercan Sakallı said the journalist had been taken to the courthouse while his family was waiting for an open visit with him in Silivri.
As he was being taken to courthouse, Baransu spoke to reporters waiting in the corridors of the courthouse, stating he has been kept in isolation for 98 days and that he is preparing his defense under difficult circumstances in prison.
The prosecution of journalist for their work or because of their criticisms of the government or President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has become almost a daily occurrence in Turkey, with dozens of them facing charges of insulting a state official or conducting terrorist propaganda.
Most recently, Cumhuriyet Editor-in-Chief Can Dündar is facing an aggravated life sentence as a result of a criminal complaint filed by Erdoğan on Tuesday for the publication of images that prove that arms were transferred to Syria by MİT.
The images contradict the government’s earlier claim that the trucks were only carrying humanitarian aid to Turkmens in the war-torn country.
Last week, journalist Erkam Tufan Aytav, who works for Bugün TV, testified to İstanbul Deputy Chief Public Prosecutor Fuzuli Aydoğdu as a suspect at the İstanbul Courthouse. Aytav did not give any information about the content of the investigation because it was confidential.
On the same day, another journalist, Aytekin Gezici, was also in court at the first hearing of a trial launched against him over charges of insulting President Erdoğan, Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu, Deputy Prime Minister Bülent Arınç and former Justice Minister Bekir Bozdağ on social media.
In addition, journalists Mirgün Cabas, Koray Çalışkan and Banu Güven as well as TV host Pelin Batu were summoned by the İstanbul Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office last week to testify as part of an investigation into their social media posts regarding the killing of a public prosecutor during a hostage crisis at the İstanbul Courthouse on March 31. The journalists are accused of conducting propaganda for a terrorist organization in their tweets on the day the prosecutor was killed.
Journalists facing legal action in Turkey today are just not limited to these figures, with dozens more who are either in prison or prosecuted.
Samanyolu Broadcasting Group General Manager Hidayet Karaca was taken into custody on Dec. 14, 2014 as part of a government-backed police operation. Karaca was later arrested and remains in prison on suspicion of being a member of an armed organization. The charges against him are based on a fictional TV series that was broadcast a few years ago.
Sedef Kabaş, a TV presenter, is facing a prison sentence of up to five years for posting a tweet about a corruption probe involving high-profile individuals.
Source: Zaman
Azerbaijan has always wished to see Turkey in Minsk Group, say Armenian officials
Azerbaijan’s proposal to involve Turkey in the OSCE Minsk Group is what the country has been dreaming about for long, a deputy foreign minister of Armenia has said, not considering the move absolutely surprising.
“It has always been Azerbaijan’s dream. The problem has absolutely nothing to do with Germany; the main target is Turkey, which is identical with Azerbaijan,” Shavarsh Kocharyan told Tert.am, commenting on a statement made by the OSCE chairperson-in-office.
In the course of his recent visit to Yerevan, Ivica Dačić (who is also a deputy prime minister of Serbia) said that Azerbaijan had submitted to him a proposal calling for expanding the mission’s frameworks to Turkey and Germany. The European official admitted meantime that such a proposal wasn’t absolutely something new.
According to Artak Zakaryan, Head of the National Assembly’s Standing Committee on Foreign Relations (ruling Republican Party), not all the 11 member states of the OSCE are potentially able to handle the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict with the same effectiveness as do the current co-chairing states (US, France and Russia). report tert.am
Zakaryan said he knows that proposals the kind have been made repeatedly, both by the OSCE and different other countries which tried to offer support to the peace settlement efforts.
“It is already commendable, and the fact that the states and international organizations back the Minsk Group process, offering their international and political support is a sufficient guarantee for the problem to remain in the peaceful settlement phase for 20 years running. But there is an extremely important process that needs to be guaranteed by all the states and organizations which want to see the problem in a peaceful settlement phase. It requires putting an end to Azerbaijan’s destructive efforts and bringing the country to a platform that will make discussions over details possible,” he added.
Asked why then such a proposal was heard from the mouth of the OSCE’s top official, Zakaryan replied, “If we look back at the history of the conflict settlement process, we always had proposals in most different periods, but that doesn’t certainly imply a change in the conflict’s logic. And that logic cannot change in the current round either, as there is a clear understanding of a very important factor: the entire logic is based upon on the ideology of international norms and principles and has a detailed coverage, i.e. – the discussions held periodically in different formats – open and close – with respect to all the possible problems.”
The Republican lawmaker said he sees that the Minsk Group’s current format for now remains the most effective option promising a successful outcome in the talks. Zakaryan said he doesn’t think that the different proposals voiced periodically by Azerbaijan, Turkey or other states matter too much in the current negotiation process. “Armenia, as one of the parties to the conflict, has its clear-cut approach to the problem: that is, the exercise of the Nagorno-Karabakh people’s right to self-determination. And Armenia is the guarantor of the Nagorno-Karabakh population’s security,” he said, adding that many solutions need to be sought in the second Armenian republic.
Zakaryan said he sees also positive implications stemming from the statement. “If there is a proposal, there is also a process in which different problems are being discussed,” he said, stressing the need of focusing more on the constructiveness of the proposal-maker.
“For that we need clear assurances that Azerbaijan has a will to lead the political process to a peaceful settlement, as well as a genuine desire to see real solutions through constructive processes,” he added.
Turkey EU minister warns European Parliament on amendments Armenian Genocide
Sevil Erkuş – ANKARA
European Union Affairs Minister Volkan Bozkır has sent letters to senior European Parliament figures, urging them to consider proposals to amend an upcoming report on Turkey, warning that Ankara has “sensitivities over three topics in particular.” Report hurriyetdailynews
A planned vote on approving the report on Turkey on May 21 was postponed because of the lack of time for political groups in the European Parliament to discuss proposals for amendments.
In letters sent to European Parliament President Martin Schulz, Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman Elmar Brok, and the leaders of party groups in the parliament, Bozkır expressed Turkey’s concerns about some amendment proposals in the report, which will be voted on in June.
He stressed that any mention in the report regarding the European Parliament’s April 15 resolution recognizing the 1915 mass killing of Ottoman Armenians as genocide, or any call to exclude the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) from the EU’s list of terrorist organizations, would “not be acceptable” for Turkey, diplomatic sources said.
In his letter dated June 1, Bozkır also said any call to block opening new negotiation chapters for Turkey, or to lift financial assistance to Turkey, would make the report “unacceptable” for Ankara.
Bozkır added that the report should not include a “one-sided” perspective that could negatively influence the ongoing talks for reunification of Cyprus, according to the sources.
The European Parliament adopted the Annual Report on Human Rights and Democracy in the World 2013 and detailed the EU’s policy on the matter on March 12, calling on EU member states to recognize the 1915 killings as “genocide.”
Turkey: Foreign Policy Journal: Football Player Who Killed ‘Football Diplomacy’
Armenian News – NEWS.am presents the abridged version of an article by Andranik Israyelyan, International Relations scholar working at the Diplomatic School of Armenia, published in Foreign Policy Journal:
“In March 2003, Recep Tayyip Erdogan became the Prime Minister of Turkey, replacing Abdullah Gul; the latter took the post of the Foreign Minister. Meanwhile, Ahmet Davutoglu was invited to become the Prime Minister’s chief foreign policy adviser. This triumvirate would shape Turkish foreign policy for the next decade. The “Armenian opening” was one of the most challenging tasks for these foreign policy makers of Ankara.
Erdogan, a graduate of the religious Imam Hatip School and a former semi—professional football player, was the trio’s most powerful figure, yet he had a relatively passive role in shaping Turkish foreign policy. This is best explained by his narrow worldview. His chief adviser, Ibrahim Kalin, would later describe Erdogan as a politician rather than a diplomat, and one with a poor understanding of international relations. His tirades and hate speeches have even led to a breakdown in Turkey’s relations with Israel, Egypt, and Syria.
Abdullah Gul, a graduate of the UK’s University of Exeter, has always been a man of integrity. When in 2003 Foreign Minister Gul met with his Armenian counterpart Vartan Oskanian and expressed his readiness to start a normalization process free from preconditions, it was music to the ears for Armenia’s top diplomat. Yet months later, Gul confessed to Oskanian that intense debate within the inner cycle of Turkish leadership had concluded that Azerbaijan’s interests could not be sidestepped. This, perhaps, was the first row between the ideologues and pragmatists on the “Armenian opening.”
Already serving as President in 2008, Gul accepted the invitation from his Armenian counterpart Serzh Sargsyan to visit Yerevan. This was the start of what has become known among foreign policy circles as “football diplomacy.” As Gul had been the driving force behind the Armenian opening in Turkey, his Foreign Minister, Ali Babacan, was an excellent candidate for the routine work. As these pragmatists pushed the process forward, Turkey’s ideologues did not hesitate to jump in and wreak havoc. And they did it quickly. In May 2009, Babacan was replaced by Ahmet Davutoglu.
Upon taking the office of Foreign Minister, Davutoglu, according to senior US diplomat David Phillips, rushed to scratch the Protocols between Armenia and Turkey. A few days later after Davutoglu’s appointment, Erdogan went to Baku to allay Azerbaijani fears about normalizing Turkish-Armenian relations.”
What happened next was unimaginable for Gul and for Davutoglu. Ignoring the briefings by the Foreign Ministry, Erdogan declared that borders with Armenia will not open until Armenian troops withdraw from all “occupied territories of Azerbaijan.” In a moment of irony, the “football diplomacy” was obliterated by none other than a former footballer because of his aversion to diplomacy.
Within this context, the new Foreign Minister, Mevlut Cavusoglu, is left with no other option but to fault Armenia for stalling the normalization process, and to lay the blame for Turkey’s tarnished image abroad with the Armenian Diaspora.”
Source: news.am
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