Gagrule.net

Gagrule.net News, Views, Interviews worldwide

  • Home
  • About
  • Contact
  • GagruleLive
  • Armenia profile

The Cult of Personality in Azerbaijan: Idolizing Former President Heydar Aliyev

July 31, 2018 By administrator

By Harut Sassounian

The worship of former President of Azerbaijan Heydar Aliyev is so exaggerated that an American blogger Andreas Moser on his visit to Baku and Ganja encountered the “great leader’s” monuments and buildings everywhere he went. Moser wrote in his blog a satirical report, excerpts of which are reproduced below for our readers’ great amusement!
 
Moser started his sarcastic article as follows: “Before I went to Azerbaijan, I was like you: I didn’t know Heydar Aliyev. But then, I had already gotten sick and tired of him by the second day…. Whether you want it or not, Heydar Aliyev will be your guide and constant companion in Azerbaijan. When you fly to Baku, you arrive at Heydar Aliyev Airport. When you arrive by train, you travel on the Heydar Aliyev Express, get off at Heydar Aliyev Station and walk along the wide Heydar Aliyev Boulevard to Heydar Aliyev Square, past Heydar Aliyev Foundations, Heydar Aliyev Schools and Heydar Aliyev Institutes. If you want to take a break from Heydar Aliyev and thus prefer to travel across Azerbaijan by car, you will still see a photo of the ex-president at every intersection, every turnoff and every roundabout.”
 
Moser started his journey by visiting a park, naturally named the Heydar Aliyev Park, which was “larger than some independent states…. When you have crossed the widest street in the world [12-lanes] after a march of ten minutes, you have reached the parking area. A car park like the one in front of the Olympic stadium. It was planned big enough that all cars in Azerbaijan could park here simultaneously. But it is empty. The public squares in the city were already overdimensioned, but this here is megalomania at a North Korean level…. Once you have walked through the triumphal arch (as big as in Paris and, for the avoidance of any doubt, adorned with the name of Heydar Aliyev), which is the actual entrance, you have to traipse for another mile to reach the Heydar Aliyev Museum. Just like people had to walk through a long hall in the royal palace before meeting the king.”
 
Making his way through the Park’s army of cleaners and scrubbers, “cleaning maniacs,” Moser came across an oversized statue of the “great leader” with his name engraved on it in golden letters, in front of the Heydar Aliyev Museum. Moser discovered that “the museum is three floors high, with a glass dome, much marble, much gold and white leather armchairs. Typical dictator kitsch. If you have ever visited the Gaddafis, the Husseins or the Trumps, you are familiar with it. I am the only visitor, which startles the man behind the desk so much that he turns off his YouTube video, jumps up and henceforth follows my every step, always four to five meters to my side and always looking at his phone when I look at him. We are the only two people in the whole building.”
 
While the massive building of the Heydar Aliyev Museum is highly impressive, there is not much in it, except for some propaganda about the “great leader.” The Museum “only has dozens of display boards about the life of Heydar Aliyev with hundreds of photos of him. Protected by glass, there are a few books about and by him. Two-meter wide TV screens are ready to show biopics….” Moser was also impressed by Heydar Aliyev’s vast collection of photos: “Heydar Aliyev in a field with farmers, Heydar Aliyev with soldiers, Heydar Aliyev with children, Heydar Aliyev as an archaeologist, Heydar Aliyev with a water melon, Heydar Aliyev at a busy market.”
 
Moser presented Heydar Aliyev’s background by quoting prize-winning Polish journalist Ryszard Kapuscinski who wrote: “At first, Heydar Aliyev was head of the KGB in Azerbaijan, then, in the seventies, First Secretary of the Communist Party of the republic. He was a disciple of Brezhnev, who appointed him Deputy Prime Minister of the USSR. He was fired from that post by Gorbachev in 1987. Heydar Aliyev was part of Brezhnev’s circle — a group standing out for deep corruption, preference for any kind of luxury and overall debauchery. They displayed that corruption with provoking openness, not ashamed in the least.”
 
Moser stated that the Polish journalist’s description “could be the motto for the museum, actually the whole park or indeed for the whole country. For someone who was already famous for open corruption under communism, an independent Azerbaijan with gushing oil wells must have been the mother of all dreams. Thus, it comes as no surprise to meet the whole Aliyev family in the Panama Papers [offshore secret accounts].”
 
Moser concluded his humorous article by remembering other Heydar Aliyev Parks in Podgorica, Montenegro, Tbilisi, Istanbul, Ankara, Bucharest, Kiev, “and maybe soon in your hometown. You simply have to talk to your city council about it. Azerbaijan will pay for everything.”
 
In his last sentence, Moser described Azerbaijan “as a strange country. But at least I don’t have to visit North Korea anymore.”
 
In addition to Moser’s article, Wikipedia has a whole section titled, “Heydar Aliyev’s Cult of Personality” as follows: “Every city and town in Azerbaijan has a street named after Heydar Aliyev, including one of the central avenues of capital Baku. According to official information, there are 60 museums and centers of Heydar Aliyev in Azerbaijan.”
 
Furthermore, there are statues of Heydar Aliyev in over a dozen countries around the world. However, Azerbaijan suffered a major embarrassment in Mexico City when its sensible City Council decided to remove the massive statue of Heydar Aliyev from a park on the city’s main avenue that Azerbaijan had paid to have renovated. “Human rights activists had objected to the statue and pointed to the repressive nature of Mr. Aliyev’s rule,” according to BBC News.
 
My advice to Azeri worshippers of Heydar Aliyev is to worry more about the fate of their current President, Ilham Aliyev, rather than the deceased Heydar Aliyev, because Armenia’s recent ‘Velvet Revolution’ may soon spread to Azerbaijan, which might be more bloody than velvety!

Filed Under: Articles Tagged With: Azerbaijan, cult, Personality

Turkey The cult of Erdogan

August 7, 2014 By administrator

by Kadri Gursel

Anyone who happens to travel to Istanbul these days will come across the same image anywhere they go, anywhere they look: a determined and solemn Recep Tayyip Erdogan, gazing at the horizon in a confident posture RTR3WM4Gwith a vague but haughty smile on his face.

Fifty-five million Turkish voters are being bombarded with Erdogan’s image in an aggressive electoral campaign ahead of the Aug. 10 presidential polls, in which the prime minister is the strongest and most advantageous candidate.

The omnipresence of Erdogan’s image cannot be passed over with the explanation that the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) has mobilized all its financial and organizational might for the elections, along with all the public facilities and resources it has at its disposal. It is also the story of how a cult has been created around Erdogan as he presses ahead in his journey to higher echelons of power.

The building of the “Erdogan cult,” under way for a long time, has now reached an advanced stage for the presidential campaign.

Erdogan’s opponents charge that he is seeking to take over all political power in Turkey and install a “one-man” regime free from any checks and boundaries.

Erdogan has long made it clear he will not settle for the impartial constitutional status the president has under Turkey’s current parliamentarian system. He has openly indicated that, if elected, he will be ruling Turkey from the presidential palace through his uncontested leadership of both the AKP and the government.

Many of the critical stages on the way to the regime Erdogan dreams of and calls the “new Turkey” are already behind him. None of the stumbling blocks have been able to stop him from moving forward. As he overcame one obstacle after another, drawing on his power, political instinct and the sound bonds he forged with his voters, the personality cult around him grew in the process.

First, in the period of 2007-12, Erdogan dismantled the Turkish army’s political tutelage, backed by his former ally, the Gulen religious community, which wielded significant influence in the judiciary and the police. The once powerful army, which used to bully politicians with its history of coups, watched helplessly as one tenth of its generals and admirals landed behind bars.

In the meantime, constitutional amendments approved at a referendum in September 2010 and Erdogan’s ensuing interventions made sure he placed the judiciary largely under his own control. Erdogan is now a prime minister who has no scruples about speaking publicly of how he issues orders to the judiciary when needed.

In a similar fashion, Erdogan created his own media, while bullying and subduing those of the mainstream. In a show of strength, the seven or eight newspapers he now controls would often appear with identical front pages and headlines.

The only state institution that remain outside his grip is the Constitutional Court and to some extent, the Central Bank.

Erdogan’s archenemy now is the Gulen community, which he has branded a “parallel structure” within the state following the corruption and bribery probes of Dec. 17 and Dec. 25 that targeted himself and both his government and family. Dozens of police officers, who allegedly belong to the “parallel structure,” have been detained since July 22 on charges of espionage and illegal wiretapping. The operations appear bound to expand and extend to the judiciary.

Erdogan is obviously a politician who is fond of power and knows how to use it, but hates to share it. Some say he is also charismatic. His reputation owes much to his belligerence: He never shies away from fighting and delivers far more blows than he takes. Erdogan has never lost an election so far. Though he occasionally saw his vote decline, he managed to increase it in most cases, always leaving his opponents trailing far behind.

In Turkey, he is also widely acknowledged as a skillful orator with strong influence over the masses. Yet, that is not the only reason why his electorate is so loyal to him. The voters see him as one of their own in terms of attitude, language, dress and culture. In the eyes of Turkey’s rural, poorly educated, traditionally nationalist and conservative Sunni majority, Erdogan is their embodiment at the helm of power.

Those masses virtually identify with Erdogan. The overwhelming part of the Sunni majority is watching how Erdogan makes their provincial conservatism the new cultural norm of Turkey and their admiration keeps growing. Thanks to Erdogan, those masses, who believe the secular republic ostracized and belittled them, are for the first time savoring the joys of power. It is a unique sentiment.

And last but not least, the lion’s share from the prosperity and economic growth Turkey achieved under Erdogan has flown to the AKP’s conservative Sunni electorate through the government’s social welfare policies and political nepotism.

So, those are the main reasons — though not all — that make the Erdogan cult thrive. As a result, we are now faced with a social phenomenon where Erdogan’s supporters almost sanctify him and attribute him with metaphysical powers that ordinary people lack.

In Turkey we have a proverb, “The sheikh doesn’t fly, his disciples make him fly.” It means that people who develop loyalty and trust for a certain individual see him larger than life, believe he possesses extraordinary qualities and want others to also believe so.

The proverb has been validated on many occasions in recent times. Take for instance the bizarre incident at Erdogan’s flamboyant rally in Istanbul on Aug. 3.

As Erdogan addressed the crowd from the platform, a woman was seen fainting. Erdogan gesticulated as if saying “bring her over.” Instead of being taken away by ambulance, the allegedly sick woman was taken to Erdogan. The stretcher was elevated to the platform and Erdogan reached out to the woman. She grabbed his right hand with both hands, screaming “Allah, Allah, Allahu Akbar” (God is great). The screams were heard clearly both at the venue and in the live TV broadcast because Erdogan still had the microphone in his left hand. The footage of the incident hit the Internet media with the tag, “The woman who recovered after holding Erdogan’s hand.”

The extraordinary qualities his followers attribute to Erdogan stem from his Islamism. That is, Islam is the source of the exceptional. Back in February 2010, the AKP’s provincial chairman in the western province of Aydin, Ismail Sezer, found himself expelled from the party after he said, “Erdogan is like a second prophet to us.” Yet, others who have validated our proverb with respect to Erdogan have not faced any sanctions. Here are some of many examples:

  • Finance Minister Mehmet Simsek on Erdogan’s visit to the southeastern province of Sanliurfa on March 9: “Spring has come to Sanliurfa. Both nature and history are rising up to greet our prime minister.”
  • AKP lawmaker Fevai Aslan on Jan. 16: “Erdogan is a leader who gathers all of Allah’s qualities in himself.”
  • Deputy Health Minister Agah Kafkas on May 19, 2013: “To do what Erdogan does is sunna [body of Islamic custom and practice based on Prophet Muhammad’s words and deeds].”
  • AKP lawmaker Huseyin Sahin on July 20, 2011: “Believe me, even touching our prime minister is worship to me.”

However, the cult of Erdogan has another aspect: The more his supporters love and glorify him, the more an equally large part of the population dislikes and even detests him. According to a Pew survey published on July 30, 48% of Turks believe Erdogan has a positive influence on the country, while an equal 48% see his influence as negative, illustrating how Turkey is torn right in two on the issue of Erdogan.

One should keep in mind that Erdogan implicitly threatened Turkey with civil strife during the Gezi Park protests last year. In a bid to bully the protesters, he said he was “hardly restraining 50% [of Turks] at home” — a reference to his supporters. In this highly polarized climate, the “Erdogan cult” represents a potential threat to democracy and social peace in Turkey.

Kadri Gursel
Columnist, Turkey Pulse

Kadri Gursel is a columnist for Al-Monitor‘s Turkey Pulse and has written a column for the Turkish daily Milliyet since 2007. He focuses primarily on Turkish foreign policy, international affairs and Turkey’s Kurdish question, as well as Turkey’s evolving political Islam.

Filed Under: Articles Tagged With: cult, Erdogan, Turkish

Support Gagrule.net

Subscribe Free News & Update

Search

GagruleLive with Harut Sassounian

Can activist run a Government?

Wally Sarkeesian Interview Onnik Dinkjian and son

https://youtu.be/BiI8_TJzHEM

Khachic Moradian

https://youtu.be/-NkIYpCAIII
https://youtu.be/9_Xi7FA3tGQ
https://youtu.be/Arg8gAhcIb0
https://youtu.be/zzh-WpjGltY





gagrulenet Twitter-Timeline

Tweets by @gagrulenet

Archives

Books

Recent Posts

  • Pashinyan Government Pays U.S. Public Relations Firm To Attack the Armenian Apostolic Church
  • Breaking News: Armenian Former Defense Minister Arshak Karapetyan Pashinyan is agent
  • November 9: The Black Day of Armenia — How Artsakh Was Signed Away
  • @MorenoOcampo1, former Chief Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, issued a Call to Action for Armenians worldwide.
  • Medieval Software. Modern Hardware. Our Politics Is Stuck in the Past.

Recent Comments

  • Baron Kisheranotz on Pashinyan’s Betrayal Dressed as Peace
  • Baron Kisheranotz on Trusting Turks or Azerbaijanis is itself a betrayal of the Armenian nation.
  • Stepan on A Nation in Peril: Anything Armenian pashinyan Dismantling
  • Stepan on Draft Letter to Armenian Legal Scholars / Armenian Bar Association
  • administrator on Turkish Agent Pashinyan will not attend the meeting of the CIS Council of Heads of State

Copyright © 2025 · News Pro Theme on Genesis Framework · WordPress · Log in