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Saudi writer responds to Erdogan: This is what the criminal Fakhri Pasha did with my grandfather كاتب سعودي يرد على أردوغان

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President Recep Tayyip Erdogan by his grandfather, the Ottoman governor Fakhruddin, and reminded him of «the story of his grandfather, one of the victims of mass and forced displacement crimes of the people and sons of Madinah under the orders of the military governor Fakhri Pasha Turkish soldiers broke into his family ‘s house and kidnapped him from his mother’s arms and deported him to Astana.

“Truth” (Erdogan’s pride) in the issue of the newspaper «Okaz Saudi», today: “I followed the resentment of the tone of arrogance and contempt in the remarks of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan yesterday during his meeting with the Turkish mukhtars in the Turkish capital Ankara, Directly insulted to the UAE Foreign Minister Abdullah bin Zayed on the background of the re-published a tweet about the crimes and atrocities committed by the Ottoman governor Fakhruddin or Fakhri Pasha and his soldiers in the right of the people of Medina, but these historical facts did not live to Mr. Erdogan and turned the facts, He defended the city of Medina, and asked Benarh Turkish excessive, saying «When it was found Fakhr al-Din Pasha defended Medina, where was your grandfather you, O miserable Iqzva Balbhtan?”

“I did not put this answer on behalf of Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed, but I would like to put the answer to the words of my grandfather, may God have mercy on him, who was one of the victims of the mass and forced displacement of the people and sons of Madinah under the orders of the military governor Fakhri Pasha, ); When he was ten years old when the Turkish soldiers stormed his family’s home and took him from the arms of his mother and in front of his sister to force him with thousands of young men and boys and children out of the Arabian Peninsula, distributed between Syria, Jordan, Iraq and Turkey, and throw them to the unknown without money and shelter , As the The primary aim is to keep them away from the city of Medina and evacuated residents, Medina turned to the Ottoman fortress in the face of the Arab tribes that rose up against the Turkish military presence and their transgressions, which amounted to oppression and tyranny ».

«And narrated by my grandfather, may God have mercy on him, that in the period before the« travel Barlk »in 1916, a large number of Turkish soldiers flock to Medina because of the uprising of the inhabitants of Hijaz and Arab tribes against the Ottoman state whose policies changed during World War I after the rise of Turkish nationalists The power of the Authority and the tone of the policy of Turkic and try to impose the Turkish culture on the community, and since the solution of Fakhri Pasha in Medina began to abuse the population and forced many of its children to work in the service of military barracks for small amounts, while the soldiers consumed the strength of the people of the city and its own And with the start of the raids of the tribes on the Turkish soldiers during the Great Arab Revolt, the soldiers then ordered Fakhri Pasha to expel the inhabitants of the city and broke into the houses and the kidnapping of children and men and forcibly transfer them through the Hijaz train to the outside, That their solution began to strive

The Saudi writer said: “One of the tragedies that was reported to him during his return was the famine that hit the city and prompted the rest of the population to eat cats and grasses, and spread diseases and epidemics that hastened the death of hundreds, including the Turkish soldiers who forced Fakhri Pasha to leave.”

The writer concluded his article: «This is a small part of what he reported on that date, but what the historical references are not far from it, but we remember that Fakhri Pasha took with him thousands of valuable holdings of the Prophet’s room, including the jewel of the planet Aldri and the Prophet and the Prophet Ibn Affan may Allah be pleased with him, in addition to the contents of the library of Aref Hikmat and Mahmudiyah and the rare manuscripts, and you will find most of what looted in the Museum «Top Qabee» in Istanbul, a witness to the achievements of Erdogan’s

grandfather!

Source: http://www.almasryalyoum.com/news/details/1235280

كاتب سعودي يرد على أردوغان: هذا ما فعله المجرم فخري باشا مع جدي

Erdogan tones down rhetoric in light of Qatar’s fate

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erdogan, qatar, washington

A poster displayed at a news conference shows four members of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s security detail who have been criminally charged following a May incident in Washington, DC, in which they allegedly attacked protesters during Erdogan’s visit. Image uploaded June 15, 2017. (photo by Twitter/@DionNissenbaum)

By Pinar Tremblay,

Will Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan ever be welcome in Washington again? Many US legislators would like to think he wouldn’t dare come back after the horrid events of May 16, when his security detail attacked peaceful protesters.

Just days later, a bipartisan House resolution was introduced to condemn Turkey and ask for the perpetrators to be prosecuted. Dana Rohrabacher, Republican chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee for Europe, said Erdogan “is an enemy of everything we stand for. … More importantly, he is an enemy of his own people.” These are some of the strongest words of public criticism Erdogan has received from an American lawmaker. In early June, the measure asking that those involved in the Washington mayhem be brought to justice was accepted by a 397-0 vote.

Two powerful members of the Senate also voiced sharp bipartisan criticism of the incident. Dianne Feinstein, D-Calif., and John McCain, R-Ariz., in a May 18 letter told Erdogan that his staff had blatantly violated American freedoms and that the “affront … reflects poorly on your government.” McCain chairs the Armed Services Committee, and Feinstein is the ranking member of the Judiciary Committee.

On June 15, Washington law enforcement officials announced criminal charges had been filed and arrest warrants issued for 12 members of the detail. Though the guards had already returned to Turkey and it’s unlikely they will ever stand trial, media coverage of their photographs with the word “Wanted” at the top sent shock waves to Turks. Most Turkish media outlets were not quite sure whether to publish the news or ignore it.

Erdogan promptly lashed out at the US justice system, asking, “What kind of law is this?” He claimed the protesters were terrorists — members of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) and the Gulen movement — and were demonstrating only about 50 yards from him, yet the US police did not act. Erdogan said, “If these bodyguards would not protect me, why am I taking them with me to the US?”

Erdogan sees any protest as a direct attack on himself, hence his justification of his bodyguards’ physical assaults on peaceful protesters. Anyone in any location who dares protest against Erdogan is seen as an imminent threat — a terrorist who needs to be eliminated.

Yet Erdogan’s fluency in anger didn’t pack much of a punch in this case. US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson shared a clear and strong message backing up the bipartisan House resolution and the actions of Washington law enforcement agencies. Although the United States has not expelled the Turkish ambassador and is well aware that the 12 bodyguards won’t be extradited, its strong message has been sent and received.

On June 16, a rather mellow and patient Erdogan gave an interview to a Portuguese TV channel in which he said Turkey is ready to do whatever it takes to be accepted into the European Union. He clearly and repeatedly stated that the Islamic State (IS) and al-Qaeda are terror organizations. So what led to this calmer and compromising Erdogan? It seems the Gulf crisis, in which many countries cut ties June 5 with Turkish ally Qatar, has been quite effective in curbing Erdogan’s anger and serving as a wake-up call for different groups in Turkey. Could the same thing happen to Ankara?

For decades, members of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) along with affluent businessmen operated under the assumption that Turkey is deeply integrated into the West and there is too much money invested to isolate the country.

Al-Monitor has interviewed business elites in the past two years about Turkish involvement in the Syrian civil war. The majority were confident that as a NATO member, Turkey need not worry that it might be accused of being a state sponsor of terror. However, since the Qatari crisis began, concern has risen. The thunderbolt sanctions imposed on Qatar for allegedly supporting terrorist networks — which it denies — was a shock for Turks. One businessman told Al-Monitor, “For the first time, I realized that what can be done to Qatar in a day would destroy my family’s businesses overnight” if it happened in Turkey. “I need to secure my assets before it is too late.”

Indeed, Turkey has been associated with Qatar for a while. For example, in 2014, the US Congress held hearings into Hamas’ benefactors in which Qatar and Turkey were named as the group’s two main financiers.

Over the years, Turkish involvement with questionable armed groups in Syria has also been raised by different sources. Several firsthand testimonies blamed Erdogan directly for aiding terrorist entities in Syria and even providing weapons to unvetted groups. Jailed Al-Monitor columnist Kadri Gursel, for example, wrote about these charges multiple times. Now there is a lawmaker, Enis Berberoglu, in jail for publicizing the scandal involving the National Intelligence Organization transporting weapons to Syria.

Also, Turkey’s government has been criticized for punishing left-leaning and peaceful Islamist groups more brutally than those with open links to IS and other armed terror networks.

The Saudi-led coalition’s strong reaction against Qatar grabbed the attention of Erdogan and the secular business elite in Turkey. The fear that Turkey could be the next to come under fire has been voiced not only in Turkish media but also in The Wall Street Journal, which explains Erdogan’s personal stake in the issue.

The anxiety indeed runs deeper than so far acknowledged, and it connects to whether the United States will officially declare the Muslim Brotherhood a terror organization. Some senior AKP bureaucrats known for their history of open and friendly relations with all Muslim Brotherhood chapters now respond angrily to any implication that the AKP is associated with the Brotherhood. Two tweets from a pro-Erdogan journalist who mostly writes for English-speaking audiences provide an example. In one tweet is a picture of Erdogan raising four fingers, a symbol of the Brotherhood and its support of ousted Egyptian President Mohammed Morsi. In the other tweet is the journalist’s desperate claim that the AKP’s organic connection to the Brotherhood is just a myth. Given the rising international pressure, we can expect to see pro-Erdogan media struggling to distance themselves from the Brotherhood.

One prominent Islamist, who asked to remain anonymous, told Al-Monitor, “We do not forget how Erdogan disowned the [victims of the] Mavi Marmara [the flotilla to break the Gaza embargo in 2010] and turned against them in 2016. Most Islamists in Turkey never even consider armed struggle against the state, so it is easy to discard us when the going gets tough. However, now Erdogan is dealing with different groups. Some of these groups have become militaristic due to their involvement in Syria. Can they be disowned as easily?”

US President Donald Trump initially supported the Saudi-led coalition’s actions against Qatar, and he immediately became the target of outsized Turkish anger, with Erdogan bashing him to express support for Qatar while trying to avoid offending Saudi Arabia. Trump quickly backed off his statements for unrelated reasons, however, and the United States even agreed June 14 to sell F-15 jets to Qatar. Now, with Qatari officials making statements to the international press about the United States, such as “Our militaries are like brothers,” it is understandable that Erdogan would quiet his criticism of the United States and initiate a campaign to distance himself from the Muslim Brotherhood.

Indeed, Turkey was left standing alone and now realizes that the cost of all future angry outbursts will be higher both domestically and internationally. Erdogan’s next trip to the United States, whenever or if ever that might be, could be most interesting to watch after all.

Tremblay is a columnist for Al-Monitor’s Turkey Pulse and a visiting scholar of political science at California State Polytechnic University, Pomona. She is a columnist for Turkish news outlet T24. Her articles have appeared in Time, New

 

How journalism became a crime in Turkey

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By Ali Bayramoglu,

With the April 16 referendum, Turkey took its first step into a new era. It is a step toward institutionalizing a populist model of governance that will open new ground for violations and tensions in vital areas such as justice, freedom and the supremacy of law.

Since the botched coup in July 2016, Turkey has seen two distinct trends in this context. The first is the ongoing purge and punishment of the putschist group, that is, followers of US-based cleric Fethullah Gulen, the accused mastermind of the coup. The second is the clampdown on the opposition and the media, which is carried out on the pretext of the coup attempt. Scores of government opponents have been arrested arbitrarily for alleged links to the putschists. Intellectuals and journalists who have nothing to do with the Gulenists and who have long stood up against military coups are now facing life sentences on incredible charges, including “subliminal” communication with the putschists via TV programs and articles.

The court case against the Cumhuriyet newspaper is one of the most glaring examples in this respect. It involves 19 defendants, including Al-Monitor columnist Kadri Gursel, who has been behind bars for five months, along with nine other colleagues from the Cumhuriyet. On April 18, the court accepted the prosecution’s indictment and scheduled the opening hearing for July 24.

As a deep-rooted press institution in Turkey, the Cumhuriyet has a distinct republican-secularist tradition. Amid growing alarm over Ankara’s authoritarian tilt, the paper became increasingly critical of the government in recent years, vigorously questioning and probing government policies. According to the charges leveled against the list of defendants, which includes Cumhuriyet executives, reporters and even a cartoonist, the paper’s critical editorial policy was the result and extension of its collaboration with putschists and Gulenist groups.

One would expect the indictment to offer tangible evidence and discuss concrete actions to back up such grave accusations. What the prosecutors have penned, however, is a superficial report based on a political interpretation of information from open sources. The indictment states that the Cumhuriyet adopted an anti-government editorial policy after the accused executives took office in 2013. It frames the paper’s criticism as a contribution to efforts to discredit and topple the government.

In short, the indictment criminalizes a critical publication simply by associating it with a criminal group (one the state now considers a terrorist organization), oblivious to all the discrepancies that emerge in drawing such a link. Take, for instance, Gursel, who has been both a columnist and editorial consultant for the paper. A key feature of Gursel’s writings has been his equal criticism of the ruling Justice and Development Party and the Gulenists, compounded by an emphasis on their alliance that collapsed acrimoniously before the putsch. To accuse Gursel and his like-minded colleagues at the secularist, Kemalist and left-leaning Cumhuriyet of being Gulenist collaborators can be seen only as a farce of authoritarianism.

Apart from headlines and news reports, the “evidence” in the indictment includes Twitter posts by the defendants and certain telephone numbers with which they have had contact.

Some time ago, Turkey’s intelligence service found out that Gulenists used an app called ByLock to communicate with each other. Since the coup attempt, individuals who had downloaded the app to their mobile phones or computers have been accused of belonging to the Gulenist network. The ByLock issue appears in the Cumhuriyet indictment, too, but in an extremely arbitrary fashion. Calls and text messages from ByLock users, who could well be readers, are presented as evidence of the defendants’ association with Gulenists, no matter that some of those calls and messages may have never been answered or noticed. In Gursel’s case, the backbone of the charges rests on this bizarre link drawn by the prosecution.

When Utku Cakirozer, Cumhuriyet’s former editor-in-chief and now a lawmaker for Turkey’s main opposition party, visited Gursel earlier in April, the imprisoned journalist relayed the following message through him: “The claim that I’ve been in contact with ByLock users is aimed at a character assassination. They claim I have been in contact with as many as 92 ByLock users. Did I speak to those people on the phone? How many times? Who called whom? The indictment says nothing on these issues. It is with such an ambiguity that charges are being leveled. I can have some guesses, though, on how this data was obtained. It was probably the spring of 2014, when the first wave of arrests [of Gulenists began after a corruption scandal implicating government officials], and I received hundreds of text messages from people, who, I suppose, were Gulenists. They were trying to galvanize the media against the arrests. The messages — sent to me because I was an active journalist appearing on television programs — were probably interpreted as a connection. Yet I never contacted those people. I did not even reply to them. A second probability is that some ByLock users among my Twitter followers, who numbered about 350,000 at the time of my arrest, might have retweeted my tweets and this, too, might have been shown as a connection.”

The state of affairs in the Cumhuriyet case illustrates the new low the Turkish judiciary has hit and how dire its politicization has become. Today’s prosecutors do not even bother to fabricate evidence, as some of their colleagues have done in the past. Instead, dissidence and oppositional politics are considered crimes themselves. This comes as another manifestation of the grave impasse that democracy and the freedom of press face in Turkey today.

Ali Bayramoglu is an academic and political commentator in Turkey. He has produced several publications on minority rights, on the Kurdish issue and on religious and conservative movements in Turkey. Since 1994, he has continuously contributed as a columnist to a variety of newspapers. His most well-known books include  The Islamic Movement in Turkey (2001), The Military in Turkey (2004), The Religious and Secular in the Democratization Process (2005), and The Process of Resolution: From Politics to Arms (2015).

Syrian Foreign Minister Alludes to Ottoman Turkey’s Guilt of Genocide

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YEREVAN—On the occasion of 25 years of diplomatic ties, Armenian and Syrian Foreign Ministers Edward Nalbandian and Walid Muallem exchanged messages on March 6, the latter noting that “one of the aggressors attacking the people of Syria is the same party that executed the Genocide against Armenian people,” alluding to the Ottoman Turkish Empire.

Nalbandian emphasized in his address that Armenia condemns terrorism and upholds the policy of international peace and security, which includes the Syrian Crisis. Armenia further highlighted that Armenia has provided humanitarian aid to the Syrian people as needed.

According to the Armenian Foreign Ministry’s press statement, Muallem in his message said that Syria appreciates Armenia’s position regarding terrorist aggression against Syria. He pointed out that one of the parties engaged in aggression against the Syrian people perpetrated genocide against the Armenian people.

“That policy is based on the dreams of autocratic rule, which is doomed to fail and will have the worst consequences,” the Syrian Minister continued, referring to Turkey’s denial policy.

Muallem said that relations between Armenia and Syria “reflect the historical ties between the Syrian and Armenian peoples” and in turn build upon their political, economic, social and cultural relations.

Nalbandian suggested prospects of expansion of Armenian-Syrian cooperation, and highlighted that “the Armenian people won’t forget the great humanitarian aid that Syrian people provided to the survivors of the Armenian Genocide.”

The Armenian and Syrian ministers wished each other peace and prosperity, as efforts to strengthen diplomatic relations will soon develop.

Sexual crimes continue to haunt India

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(DW) Despite India stiffening its laws on sexual crimes, nothing much has changed on the ground. A rash of sexual assaults recently once again sparked intense discussion about attitudes towards women. Murali Krishnan reports.

Crimes against women in India, including rape, molestation and abuse, have gone up in recent months and the spate of high-profile sexual attacks in the nation’s big cities bears testimony to this spiraling yet disturbing graph.

Last week, a famous actress from southern India who has acted in over 70 films was allegedly raped inside her moving car while she was headed for the port city of Kochi from her home in Thrissur. The culprits, including her former driver, further took compromising pictures and videos of her.

The case caused an uproar across the country, with many calling for swift and stringent punishment for the accused.

Vulnerable

Delhi, which has already earned the dubious tag of the “rape capital,” was also shaken by an alarming incident over the weekend when a 24-year-old woman was raped in an upscale region of the city by a man who offered her a ride after a party. The woman, who is from the northeastern state of Nagaland, was alone and walking home when the incident occurred. Figures show that Delhi reports on average six rapes every day.

Delhi, however, is not alone in reporting such cases.

Recently, a 17-year-old girl was dragged into a car in an upmarket residential locality of Bhopal in the central state of Madhya Pradesh and sexually tortured for over an hour as she was driven up and down the same road that thousands of commuters take every day.

If that was not enough, earlier this month, two persons were arrested in the southern state of Andhra Pradesh, for sexually assaulting a mentally-challenged 14-year-old girl.

“Women’s vulnerability varies enormously across states in the country. Besides, poor conviction rates have only seen a rapid rise in gender violence,” says lawyer Vrinda Grover.

Just early this year, scores of young women were groped and molested by a mob of men during New Year’s Eve celebrations in the southern city of Bangalore in an incident that numbed and shamed the country.

Systemic changes required

Such incidents have underscored the ugly history of violence against women in the South Asian country. Data released by India’s National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB), a government agency, for the year 2015 highlight the dismal level of safety enjoyed by Indian women.

Iraqi Christians want to document IS crimes

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christian-lifeFor over two years, the Iraqi Christian town of Qaraqosh was the favorite abode for many leaders of the “Islamic State” (IS) group. Judit Neurink reports from Irbil.

“The best houses were occupied by their leaders,” says Father Ammar of the Syrian Catholic Church, who works closely together with the Bishop of Mosul. He flicks through his phone until he finds a picture, and reads out several names, all starting with Abu: “They wrote their names on the wall of our Church of The Immaculate. And one of their leaders lived in the house of the church,” he told DW.

Since August 2014, when IS fighters overtook the Christian towns of the Nineve Plains, Father Ammar has been living in the Christian enclave Ankawa of the Kurdish capital Irbil, like most of his flock who made up the biggest part of the community of Qaraqosh. Days after the Iraqi military liberated Qaraqosh at the end of October he went back.

“The first thing I saw was the hospital and I could not recognize it, the same for the church. I cried, that first feeling was so hard,” he says, sitting in a portacabin near the Mart Shmony Church in Ankawa, where he offers church members help and assistance.

“They are angry that the government wants to clean up in Qaraqosh, to hide the crimes,” Ammar explains. “We want to document everything, all the damage and destruction, before anything is cleaned. Already something has been changed, the IS slogans have been painted over.”

Many of the IS fighters were locals from the surrounding villages, he says. They provided the leaders with fuel for electricity and food. “Houses became clinics and pharmacies. Some were stores for weapons. The Church of Mar Gorgis became a bomb factory.”

All the houses were looted – just like the cemeteries where graves were opened to steal anything valuable buried with the dead. In one of the houses belonging to the church IS fighters kept several Yazidi women as slaves.

Zarifa Badoos Daddo, 77, lived through it all, staying in her house in Qaraqosh during the IS occupation together with an even older friend, who was blind and deaf.

Daddo buried her husband in the first weeks after IS arrived. When the group evacuated the remaining 200 mostly elderly Christians, it seemed to have forgotten about Daddo and her companions. “They had registered us and told us they would let us go to Irbil. But they never came,” she told DW.

With water and electricity cut off, she and her friend only survived because fighters regularly brought them food, she recounts in her brother’s house in Ankawa. She recognized many of them as locals from the villages, some were nice, joking with her and taking care of her. One of them warned her against going out to fetch water in her yard, as the coalition planes were always looking for movements on the ground.

From her window overlooking the town she saw the fighters moving around. “Some had a beard, some did not,” she says. The young ones were the problem, she says, threatening her with their weapons and forcing her to convert to Islam. “A fake conversion,” she calls it. They made her spit on her crucifix and stamp on a portrait of the Virgin Mary.

“Sometimes I asked Maryam, what am I, Muslim or Christian?” she recounts. “I could not sleep. Sometimes I felt I was going crazy and I hit myself.”

Final resting place

Although her house is the only one in Qaraqosh that was not looted completely, fighters came time and again to demand her gold and money. Eventually they found the 15 million Iraqi dinars (over 11,000 euros) she had hidden in a pot in the fridge. Just days before the liberation a young man walked in and took what he wanted from the house.

When the liberation came with bombs and artillery, IS had not brought her food for weeks – the group’s leaders had long since left. She saw the houses in her neighborhood being put on fire and was very sacred when the one attached to hers was torched. “That’s when I saw they had broken through walls to be able to move from house to house without being seen.”

The total number of Christians in the town still missing after the IS invasion varies between 30 to 70. Bodies are still being found. Faraj Saqat, 73, was discovered by his son Edmon buried in the front garden. “I saw some stones and his walking stick. It was a Muslim grave,” Edmon told DW.

Edmon came from London to find his father having lost contact a year ago. He thinks he was buried last winter by a Muslim friend from one of the villages who passed by regularly. “He wore his winter clothes.” He hopes to eventually bury him in the Qaraqosh cemetery: “He wanted to die in Qaraqosh. Once his body has been officially identified, we will bury him there.”

Source: DW.com

Genocide denial should be qualified as a crime, Chairman of the Belgian Senate says

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christine-defraigneThe necessity for a legislative initiative criminalizing the denial for the Armenian Genocide was discussed at the meeting between Chairman of the Belgian Senate Christine Defraigne and the Speaker of Armenia’s National Assembly Galust Sahakyan.

“That is important in of view of the circumstance that a hundred years later the commemoration and condemnation of the genocide victims are actual today since the repetition of genocides are still a threat for the humanity,” Speaker of the National Assembly Galust Sahakyan stated during the joint press statement on Tuesday in Yerevan.

Chairman of the Belgian Senate Christine Defraigne informed that her official visit to Armenia had been planned earlier, yet the Brussels terrorist attacks in March postponed the visit.

Mrs. Defraigne next stated that Belgium Senate was among the first European Parliaments that adopted ‘a strong resolution’ in 1988 condemning the Armenian Genocide.

“We have started initiatives aimed at criminalizing the Genocide denial long before. The denial should be qualified as a crime, a criminal act. We couldn’t realize our goal then, yet I think that through adoption of the relevant resolutions at the level of different Belgian parliaments condemning the Genocide, we will fulfill our goal,” Christine Defraigne stressed, adding the idea is not about a parliament dictating a history, but rather giving an opportunity for the current generation to learn about that tragic event and once and for all condemn all genocidal acts.

 

Source Panorama.am

ANCA WR urges Investigation of Azeri War Crimes

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f570e2e302e368_570e2e302e39f.thumbThe Armenian National Committee of America – Western Region (ANCA-WR) challenged Secretary Kerry’s silence on Azerbaijan’s war crimes committed during the April 2-7 attacks on Nagorno-Karabakh, confronting him at the Pacific Council on International Policy where he was offering remarks earlier Tuesday, Asbarez reports.
ANCA Western Region advocates shared their concerns with attendees of the Pacific Council event as well as media sent to cover it, citing that Secretary Kerry, who had met with President Ilham Aliyev just days before his attack on Nagorno-Karabakh last week, has stopped short of clearly and unequivocally condemning Azerbaijan’s escalating aggression. “This diplomatic failure has emboldened an increasingly authoritarian Azerbaijan, effectively encouraging its corrupt President to pursue his march toward war, confident that the international community will not stand in his way,” noted the ANCA-WR statement.

Advocates also called for a “Leahy Law” Investigation into reports of brutal attacks on civilians by Aliyev’s forces, including the execution and mutilation of an elderly couple and the torture and beheading of at least three Armenian soldiers.

Armenia Deputy Defense Minister briefs ICRC on crimes committed by Azerbaijani Armed Forces

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10208 (1)YEREVAN. – All the 18 bodies of the Armenian soldiers transferred by Azerbaijan Sunday were subjected to mockery and derision.

First Deputy Defense Minister of Armenia Davit Tonoyan said the aforementioned at the meeting with the Head of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) Delegation in Yerevan Caroline Douilliez.

According to Tonoyan, this is not only a violation of the Geneva Convention of 1949 and its Additional Protocol of 1949, but also a grave crime from the point of view of the criminal legislation of any legal state.

He also noted that the Armenian side will do its best so that the international community and specialist organizations condemn the crimes committed by the Azerbaijani Armed Forces.

Ecuador files note of protest with Turkey MFA over actions of Erdoğan’s bodyguards

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turks crimeInterior Minister of Ecuador responded to the actions of Turkish presidential bodyguards during Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s visit to Ecuador.

Ecuador’s Interior Minister José Serrano Salgado admonished the conduct of Erdoğan’s bodyguards, demanding to withdraw their diplomatic passports.

With respect to the incident, the Interior Minister also filed a note of protest with the Turkish MFA.

On Saturday, the bodyguards of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan beat women, who staged a protest during Erdoğan’s speech.