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Eastern Partnership summit statement ‘not legally binding’ – Richard Giragosian

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In an interview with Tert.am, Director of the Regional Studies Center Richard Giragosian commented upon EU Eastern Partnership’s summit statement, particularly the anti-Armenian wordings enshrined in the document.

Noting that the statment has no legally binding effect, the expert attributed the undesired formulations to Azerbaijan’s weaker positions on the diplomatic arena, as well as the EU’s interest to crown the summit with success.

Mr Giragosian, now that the Commissioner for European Neighborhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations Johannes Hahn announced the Agreement between EU and Armenia will be undoubtedly signed at the Eastern Partnership Summit, there are no doubts about the signing of the document. Doubts have now emerged over possible formulations. The available information suggests that there may be wordings potentially harming Armenia’s position on the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. Do you think the EU will support the principles of territorial integrity and inviolability of borders with respect to all the conflicts (taking it to account the fact that it will be in the interests of Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia)?

There has been some concern over the delay in preparing the new EU-Armenia Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement (CEPA) for signing at the 24 November EU summit in Brussels.  And while there is still some concern that the CEPA will possibly be delayed, attention has shifted away from the Agreement and to the summit declaration.

First of all, it is important to note that no matter what happens at the 24 November Brussels summit, any delay in signing does not impact the Agreement itself.  Armenia was able to regain European confidence and, in a rare “second chance,” was able to “initial” the new EU-Armenia Agreement in March 2017.   And this new EU-Armenia CEPA presents a fresh start for the deepening of relations between the two parties in the wake of Armenia’s abortive Association Agreement and related Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA). Despite a difficult and complicated context, both the EU and Armenia have demonstrated the necessary political will to negotiate a new compromise agreement that takes into account Armenia’s commitments and limitations as a member of the Eurasian Economic Union.

A second observation is that although Armenian diplomacy is and should be engaged in a constructive debate over the text of the accompanying declaration, the summit statement is not legally binding and the significance is limited.  In other words, although there is a risk of any text setting a new diplomatic precedent or influencing policy, the Agreement is far more important than the declaration.  For that reason, I am less concerned over any reference to either territorial integrity and even less worried about any “weakening” of the Karabakh issue.

And my lack of worry or concern also stems from the fact that the public standing and diplomatic prestige of Azerbaijan has been greatly weakened in recent months.  Months of serious scandals, cases of Azerbaijani-linked corruption and a series of new stories detailing Azerbaijani bribes of European officials have only eroded Azerbaijan’s position, which has thereby only lessened any danger or risk for Armenia and Karabakh.

Do you think Azerbaijan will try to fix the issue of territorial integrity and inviolability of borders in connection with all the conflicts? Will it succeed here?

This is a good question, mainly for one reason: Azerbaijan is not only unpredictable, but its “diplomatic strategy” is neither diplomatic nor strategic.  Rather, it is maximalist and lacks either logic or prudence, making any likelihood of success over the issues of territorial integrity and inviolability of borders a very difficult challenge for Azerbaijan.

We are aware of Azerbaijan’s earlier attempts to avoid signing the EaP summit declarations. What kind of acts we should expect this time?

Again, Azerbaijan is as unpredictable as it is emotional on these issues, and it lacks the necessary patience for diplomacy to succeed. For these reasons, they may try to engage in drama or theater, and may threaten to sabotage the summit, but this “bluff and bluster” will not work for the simple reasons that Azerbaijan is much weaker in the European diplomatic arena and, second, because the EU itself needs the summit to be a success.

Chairman of the National Assembly’s Standing Committee on Foreign Relations Armen Ashotyan noticeably had concerns over the wordings in the declaration. What should Armenia do to prevent the Azerbaijanis from realizing their goals? Do you think Armenia is working on it?

Although I am not fully aware of the detailed negotiations, for the reasons stated above, I am more confident of Armenia’s diplomatic capabilities and like Mr. Ashotyan, see the threat not from our own diplomatic corps but from questionable “friends” in the EU, like the case of Hungary, for one obvious example.  Nevertheless, it seems clear that Armenia will garner greater diplomatic dividends from the summit and will actually, through the CEPA, save and salvage the EU Eastern Partnership itself by delivering a rare success for the EU as seen in the new Armenia-EU strategic agreement.

 

 

Mobile ‘Wine Cubes’ could transform Armenia’s enotourism: Smithsonian

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“Wine Cubes” will be popping up on Armenian vineyards—and building up the country’s enotourism industry, the Smithsonian magazine said in an article about a new initiative that seeks to restore the link between the grape grower and the consumers.

“Imagine sitting in a 6,100-year-old mountain vineyard in Armenia’s Vayots Dzor province, sipping a glass of red wine with subtle hints of juniper. Nearby is a plate of cheese made from the milk of a bezoar goat, drizzled with local honey and paired with perfectly ripe apricots, while the man beside your table—the one who’s pouring himself a glass of wine to join you—is both the vintner and the farmer responsible for this incredible spread. For four generations, his family has been tending this vineyard in Armenia’s southeastern corner, one of the oldest wine producing regions in the world,” the article begins.

Creating experiences like this is the aim of Farm-to-Bottle, a joint crowdfunding project between Semina Consulting (a viticulture consulting firm devoted to promoting and developing the country’s wine region – Vayots Dzor) and the philanthropic non-profit ONEArmenia, which hopes to create a new wave of local enotourism in southeastern Armenia and empower small family farmers to thrive there.

A large portion of the campaign’s $61,515 in fundraising will go toward building “WineCubes,” compact wine-tasting rooms that can be placed right in the vineyards. More intimate than a typical tasting room, the cubes are intended for grape farmers who don’t yet have their own customer-friendly wineries, providing them the opportunity to interact with their consumers directly. Each one will feature an open-air patio lined with bench-style tables, a tasting bar with stool seating and a restroom—all perched on a concrete platform with timber-clad walls.

The project organizers hope these new facilities will accelerate interest in Armenia’s Vayots Dzor region, which has already been experiencing a “wine renaissance” the last several years, stimulated by the excavation of the world’s oldest winery—the Areni-1 Cave. This archaeological site, which is open to private tours “reestablished Armenia as one of the birthplaces of viticulture,” says Keushguerian, “which in turn increased tourism.” Today, the province is home to more than a dozen wine producers and hundreds of farmers maintaining small vineyard plots. While there is no winery currently at the Areni-1 Cave, Armenia’s Ministry of Culture recently announced plans to rent out the site and several surrounding caves as tourism venues—though exactly what plans lie ahead for these sites are still under review.

Also, Farm-to-Bottle hopes to introduce these farmers to new technologies, like small tanks, temperature control and up-to-date equipment.

The firm expects that travelers will be able to visit Armenia’s first WineCubes and purchase inexpensive ($5-7) bottles of wine straight from the vineyards of Armenia’s Vayots Dzor as early as June 2018.

Related links:

The Smithsonian. How Mobile Wine-Tasting Rooms Could Revolutionize Armenian Wine Country

New “gallery” of rock art discovered near Armenia mountain

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The small gorge, which is located between Ughtasar and Iskhanasar Mountains nearby Sisian town in the Syunik Province of Armenia, seems to be a picture gallery. There are two rows of stones there parallel to each other, and with prehistoric drawings on them.

The best-known place with such drawings here is the Ughtasar Mountain peak, which many tourists visit.

But our guides, Gagik Navasardyan, a local branch employee of the Agency for the Protection of Monuments of History and Culture, and Hrach Hakobyan, a local resident, claim that there have been no visitors yet at where we are.

 

Navasardyan informed that rock pictograms, as a rule, date back to between 5th to 4th millennia BC and 3rd to 1st millennia BC.

“They give so much important information about human activity of those times,” he added. “These are works of art by the Stone Age man, and which depict the fight against the forces of nature.

“The rock pictograms can be classified as world historical heritage. This isn’t the treasure of only Syunik; this is one of the first phases in the development of all mankind.”

The Ughtasar archeological monument is full of rock pictograms. By and large, hunting scenes, man’s surrounding nature, and rituals are depicted on them. In addition, they represent the cosmic conceptions of the prehistoric man.

Quentin Moore: Armenia has beautiful people, great architecture and food

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Quentin Moore

Quentin Moore

Soul artist Quentin Moore who visited Armenia in mid-October for a special concert, has revealed his admiration for Yerevan, the hospitality he witnessed, the delicious food and much more.

In an Instagram post, Moore said “Yerevan had me really feeling Armenia (and myself too).”

“I can’t say enough about this city! So much culture, many beautiful people, and great architecture! And GREAT FOOD (including Armenian Bbq!)”

In a series of photos, the musician posted one depicting “the large pool” that Kanye West ran through when performing in Yerevan.

While performing at a free outdoor concert in the capital of Armenia, rapper Kanye West jumped into Swan Lake and “tried to walk on water,” as Reuters said then. West, alongside Kim and Kloe Kardashian were traveling in Armenia where they visited the Genocide memorial to pay tribute to the memory of 1.5 million innocent victims.

“Also, one thing I found interesting in Yerevan was the stop lights had timers on them! Lol! I wonder how that will roll in the United States!?,” the singer joked.

Moore spent 3 days and 2 nights Armenia.

Moore’s debut album, “Vintage Love”, and the 2011 follow-up, “Quentinized” (Mixtape), were both self-produced.

Related links:

Quentin Moore’s Instagram post

Top Armenian tourist sites in focus of digital preservation project

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A new project of digital preservation has launched in Tumo aimed at scanning and processing Armenia’s Noravank monastery and Areni-1 cave.

A 13th-century Armenian monastery, Noravank is on the tentative list of UNESCO World Heritage Sites, whereas the Areni-1 cave complex is a multicomponent site where the earliest known shoe and the earliest known winery in the world were announced to have been found in 2010 and 2011, respectively.

Experts from CyArk, a nonprofit organization in California, have already arrived in the country and started the 3D scanning process.

CyArk’s official mission statement is “digitally preserving cultural heritage sites through collecting, archiving and providing open access to data created by laser scanning, digital modeling, and other state-of-the-art technologies.”

The project in the framework of MyArmenia campaign, financed by the USAID and implemented by the Smithsonian Institute and Tumo, launched on October 23.

The group will visit Noravank and the cave nearby on October 25 to carry out three-dimensional filming and process the collected materials later on.

3D scanning is a popular technique for analyzing a real-world object or environment to collect data on its shape and possibly its appearance.

Bill Outlawing Domestic Abuse Stirs Debate In Armenia

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According to one NGO, at least 50 women have been killed as a result of domestic violence in Armenia over the past five years. (illustrative file photo)

( RFE/RL) Bruises have covered much of her body, attesting to the abuse she has suffered at the hands of her husband over two decades. Even while carrying his child, he continued to beat her.

“I was pregnant when he once kicked me and I fell from my bed,” says the 43-year-old from the Armenian capital of Yerevan, adding that she now suffers from chronic health problems.

Requesting anonymity for fear of being targeted by more violence, she says she has nowhere to turn.

Family members discourage her from divorcing, fearing it would bring shame on them in Armenia, where traditional, conservative values hold sway in this mainly Christian country.

“I was probably not very strong,” she says, “But the main factor was my parents’ honor.”

Plus, she adds, she wouldn’t be able to afford to raise her three children alone if she left her husband.

The case is far from an anomaly in this Caucasus nation of nearly 3 million.

The Coalition to Stop Violence Against Women, a grouping bringing together local NGOs, says 5,000 women called their special hotline this year complaining of spousal abuse.

Other victims may have never gotten the chance.

Dire Statistics

According to the Armenian NGO, at least four women have died at the hands of their partners or family members in the first six months of 2017 alone. Overall, it says, at least 50 women have been killed as a result of domestic violence in Armenia over the last five years.

Despite the dire statistics, Armenia has no law criminalizing domestic violence. It is also just one of only two Council of Europe member states that has failed to join the Istanbul Convention on Prevention and Combating Violence Against Women and Domestic Violence.

However, the National Assembly, Armenia’s national parliament, appears set to finally overcome obstacles to a bill that would criminalize domestic abuse and protect its victims.

“This law is essential, and a shame that it hasn’t been passed [already], despite repeated promises and lots of advocacy from local groups, and [that] victims of domestic violence continue to suffer unprotected from the state,” says Giorgi Gogia, the South Caucasus director of Human Rights Watch.

However, critics say the proposed legislation would be an unnecessary intrusion by the state on the rights of the family. They also contend it is being pushed by “foreign governments” and lacks public backing inside Armenia.

A leading NGO in Armenia suspects such groups are receiving support from the Kremlin, which is wary of Armenia, a close ally, steering from Moscow’s orbit and closer to the West.

The Kremlin conducted a similar “smear campaign” in 2012 when Armenia’s parliament pushed to pass a gender-equality bill, according to one analyst.

‘Nonexistent Conspiracy’

Justice Minister Davit Harutiunian, who penned the proposed legislation, denies Yerevan has come under foreign pressure to pass the bill, saying the government views the issue of domestic abuse as a top priority.

Harutiunian says some opponents wrongly believe the legislation will make it easier for the government to take children away from their parents.

“The thing that is clear from what critics have said is that they either don’t understand the legislation or haven’t read it,” claims Harutiunian.

The passion the bill has stirred was evident during a public debate in Yerevan on October 9.

Representatives of several obscure groups claimed the West, and the European Union in particular, were forcing Armenia to pass the legislation in order to weaken the rights of families.

One of them, Hayk Nahapetian, questioned official statistics on domestic-abuse fatalities, claiming the problem is grossly exaggerated by pro-Western civic groups.

A high-ranking clergyman of the Armenian Apostolic Church, part of the Orthodox community, disagreed.

“Even if there is some foreign intervention or a desire to please some foreign forces…why should we see a nonexistent conspiracy?” said Mikael Ajapahian. “I personally don’t see any conspiracy.”

“If I have a normal family, if I am a loving father, a loving husband, or a loving son, if I love and am loved, which article of this law on prevention of domestic violence could harm me?” the archbishop went on. “So do not create imaginary monsters, do not fight against imaginary monsters, and be tolerant toward each other.”

Hasmik Khachatrian, a young woman who was abused by her husband for almost a decade, also made a case for the bill’s passage during the discussion. She said it would protect victims of domestic violence and spare them “the kind of obstacles that I have encountered.”

Echoing statements by law enforcement officials, Deputy Justice Minister Vigen Kocharian told parliament on October 17 that Armenia’s existing criminal and family codes do not sufficiently empower relevant authorities to tackle the problem.

“About 47 percent of cases of sexual abuse of minors take place in family settings,” the official said. “Some people may not be concerned about this problem, but we are concerned.”

Vague Wording?

Some critics have pointed to what they consider vague wording in the legislation, which defines four types of domestic abuse: physical, sexual, psychological, and economic.

Some lawmakers on October 17 pressed Kocharian to clarify what that means, sparking heated exchanges.

One leading Armenian NGO has claimed that some, if not most, of the groups opposed to the bill appear to have connections to the Kremlin.

The Union of Informed Citizens said late last year that their research uncovered that the main organizations, political parties, and movements opposed to the legislation — including the Pan-Armenian Parental Committee, Stop G7, the Yerevan Geopolitical Club, For Restoration of Sovereignty, and Sputnik Armenia — either were pro-Russian in orientation or even deeply dependent on Russian funding.

According to the Union of Informed Citizens, two of the most vocal critics of the proposed law are Arman Boshian and Hayk Ayvazian.

Boshian leads the Pan-American Parental Committee, which has informal links to the All-Russian Parents’ Resistance movement founded by Sergei Kurghinian, an ethnic Armenian living in Russia. Kurghinian has been a big supporter of the Russia-backed separatists in eastern Ukraine, according to the NGO.

Boshian is also reportedly active with the group Stop G7, which, according to Union of Informed Citizens, has railed against the domestic-violence legislation on social media, mainly Facebook.

Also connected to Stop G7, according to the Armenian NGO, is Ayvazian, who has peddled the canard that Washington has been manufacturing biological weapons in U.S.-funded laboratories in Armenia. The U.S. Embassy in Yerevan has refuted that claim.

At least one observer sees parallels with the campaign that the Kremlin allegedly coordinated in 2012 when Armenia tried to pass gender-equality legislation. Social media then became the tool for Moscow’s “smear campaign,” according to Maro Matosian.

“Identical video clips and articles — all in the Russian language — appeared in Armenia, Moldova, Ukraine, and other states that sought to align themselves with European standards,” Matosian wrote in an op-ed for the U.S.-based Asbarez newspaper. “The well-organized campaign had individuals paid by Russian organizations spread misinformation and lies among the population as a scare tactic.”

The gender bill was eventually approved by parliament in May 2013. A vote in parliament on the domestic-abuse legislation is expected soon.

Written by RFE/RL correspondent Tony Wesolowsky based on reporting by RFE/RL’s Armenian Service

Source: https://www.rferl.org/a/armenia-domestic-violence-bill-debate-kremlin/28809076.html?ltflags=mailer

 

Richard Giragosian: New EU-Armenia agreement to mark important breakthrough

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Richard Giragosian is the Director of the Regional Studies Center (RSC), an independent “think tank” in Yerevan, Armenia.

The EU-Armenia Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement (CEPA), initialed in March 2017, presents a fresh start for the deepening of relations between the two parties in the wake of Armenia’s abortive Association Agreement and related Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA). Despite a difficult and complicated context, both the EU and Armenia have demonstrated the necessary political will to negotiate a new compromise agreement that takes into account Armenia’s commitments and limitations as a member of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU).

And the agreement keeps a considerable amount of content from the sacrificed Association Agreement, including the areas of political dialogue, justice and freedom, and even security.

The new agreement also includes a substantial amount of legally binding provisions across a range of sectoral areas of cooperation, although the effectiveness of CEPA’s essential degree of conditionality remains an open question. The issues most affected by Armenia’s EAEU membership are core trade policy elements and the consequential loss of any DCFTA. CEPA may be viewed in EU policy terms as an example of ‘differentiation’ and greater flexibility as advocated by the 2015 European Neighborhood Policy review, although this was prompted by Russian force majeure. The ultimate impact of CEPA remains a test of implementation, which still poses undeniable challenges for Armenia.

The new CEPA, initialed in May 2017, is now expected to be signed at by the end of the year.

Despite the original plan to have it ready in time for the EU Eastern Partnership (EaP) summit in Brussels on 24 November 2017, an unexpected delay within the EU institutions, which then triggered a delay in the legal review and translation, has set the timetable back. That delay, despite being unintended, may raise new concerns on Armenia’s part and possibly trigger resentment and frustration that the EU would be well advised to address.

The agreement, once officially adopted, will represent an important breakthrough for both the EU and Armenia, for two reasons. First, although CEPA can be seen more as an Association Agreement lite, it is the first successful example of European engagement in the Eastern Partnership that is based less on wishful thinking and more on a realistic consideration of the specific conditions and constraints that are unique to each EaP state. In Armenia’s case, this refers to the necessity of recognizing the government’s insistence on exercising its ‘sovereign choice’ as a condition for deepening ties to the EU weighed against the limits inherent in the country’s security reliance on Russia. This stance was a result of the May 2015 Riga Summit, when the EU presented its earlier review of the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP), which was completed in November of that year6 to the EaP countries. Both the Summit Declaration and the newly revised ENP strongly advocated for a policy of ‘differentiation’ in the EU’s relations with the neighbors and prudently abandoning a ‘one-size-fits-all’ approach, as demonstrated by the EU-Armenia CEPA. In other words, the degree of policy flexibility demonstrated by the EU underscored the modified policy of differentiation by being more acutely attuned to Russian concerns and Eurasian Economic Union constraints.

A second element of success stems from the fact that the new agreement was able to replace the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (PCA) of 1999, with a legally binding and politically significant commitment underpinned by an essential degree of conditionality. And although the coming test of the success of CEPA will be in the implementation stage, there is an additional opportunity stemming from a possible move by the EAEU to leverage Armenia as a potential new platform to engage the EU, thereby offering a chance for garnering greater credibility for the EAEU while also elevating the strategic significance of Armenian membership in the EAEU.

Conclusion

After weathering the uncertainty of a period of ‘strategic pause’ in its relations with the European Union, Armenia recently initialed a new EU-Armenia framework agreement. Hailed as a rare second chance to restore relations and regain trust, the agreement, now on track to be signed in November 2017, represents a strategic opportunity for Armenia. The inherent opportunity stems from the agreement’s offer to salvage Armenia’s 2013 decision to sacrifice its earlier Association Agreement and related DCFTA with the EU and, in the wake of Russian pressure, to commit to join the EAEU instead.

Despite inherent constraints, CEPA stand out as an ambitious agreement. It has kept the substance of the Association Agreement in its political dialogue part. The commitments undertaken in the areas of justice, freedom and security and in 23 sectoral cooperation chapters are rather extensive. Many of these charters are kept at ‘approximation’ levels, which the failed Association Agreement included.

Despite the shortcomings in the new Armenia-EU agreement, the greatest reflected in selective trade chapters, the outlook for a deepening of relations is both positive and practical. On the one hand, the advantage for the EU lies in the successful elevation of bilateral relations with Armenia above and beyond the now outdated Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (PCA). For Armenia, on the other hand, the benefits stem from restored access to the EU toolbox of technical expertise and financial support. This latter point is especially critical to ensure that the reform effort in Armenia is sustained in the face of more drastic budgetary and political pressures. And for Armenia, this promises to offer more sweeping opportunities in several areas, such as border management, mobility partnerships and democracy-building instruments. At the same time, the new agreement provides a degree of political cover and practical incentives, magnified by the timing of the opportunities with Armenia’s own transformation and transition to a parliamentary form of governance in April 2018.

Another benefit for Armenia was the securing of a set of ‘transitional exemptions’ for a sweeping set of some 800 goods and products, thereby shielding the Armenian economy from the direct impact of the higher traffic regime required by the EAEU. But it was another aspect of timing that was equally encouraging for the normally timid Armenian officials to return to a concerted effort to re-engage the EU. While this motivation obviously stemmed from the twin necessities of the country’s economic fragility and political weakness, nevertheless, it did stand out and stand apart as a rare example of Armenian statesmanship and strategic vision, not to mention an instance of Armenia defending its own independence and pursuing its national interest.

Timing was also helpful for Armenia in another key regard. Whereas in 2013, when Moscow saw Armenia as the sacrificial pawn and leveraged its successful pressuring of Yerevan as a message of strength aimed to deter other Eastern Partnership countries, by 2015 there was no such need, with Russia also sensing little danger of ‘losing’ Armenia to the EU no matter what new agreement was reached, especially since any new agreement would be less than the broader Association Agreement and DCFTA. Thus, Russia provided Armenia with a much greater degree of flexibility, as seen in little real interference and certainly less interference over the negotiations between Armenia and the EU in this second attempt at redefining the relationship.

Amid Russia’s demonstration of such a seemingly more permissive stance, Armenia was also able to leverage a third, related trend that was driven by the downturn in fortunes of the Eurasian Economic Union and defined by Russia’s recognition of the need to garner greater legitimacy and credibility of the EAEU. In this context, Armenia’s argument that its eventual agreement with the EU could actually serve Russian interests by serving as a ‘bridge’ between the EU and the EAEU began to win adherents.64 At the same time, Armenia’s geographic position, despite the lack of land borders with the EAEU itself, was also reinterpreted as an advantage, offering the EAEU alternative avenues to leverage Armenia’s relations with Iran, proximity to the Middle East and even interest in the possible benefits from the possible reopening of its closed border with Turkey.

Yet even with the success to date of CEPA, in terms of both the process and the product, the full realization of the benefits and gains from the agreement are far from assured. As demonstrated by each of the other Eastern Partnership states, and especially in the cases of those with Association Agreements and DCFTAs, the implementation stage is as daunting as the negotiations, and perhaps even more difficult. And, as the implementation of CEPA will require even greater political will and determination to deepen and accelerate reform in several areas simultaneously, which Armenia has failed to do so far, the outlook for EU-Armenian relations still remains an open question. Thus, this is a strategic opportunity for the country, but one that it can no longer squander.

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Richard Giragosian is the Director of the Regional Studies Center (RSC), an independent “think tank” in Yerevan, Armenia.

Armenia enjoys some recognizable advantages over Azerbaijan: EurasiaNet

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Armenia does genuinely enjoy some recognizable advantages over Azerbaijan, such as its favorable geographic position in and around the territory of Nagorno Karabakh, Eurasianet.org analytical platform said in an article published on October 18.

“Armenian troops not only control the de facto republic itself, but broad swaths of its territories, offering significant strategic depth protecting Karabakh as well as Armenia itself.

Although both sides have established expansive defensive fortifications along their Line of Contact, Azerbaijani military objectives depend on the ability to go on the offensive. In the event of a large-scale conflagration, a preservation of the status quo would likely count as a victory in Yerevan, whereas Baku could only be satisfied with significant territorial gains.

This was evident in April 2016’s “Four Day War,” in which Azerbaijani forces successfully wrested territory from Armenian troops for the first time since the 1990s. Despite Baku’s widely perceived advantages in numbers, hardware, and the element of surprise, it is unlikely Azerbaijani forces could count on such advantages indefinitely in an extended shooting war,” EurasiaNet says.

According to the source, in its defensive posture, Armenia does not need to possess the same level of offensive capabilities being stockpiled by Azerbaijan, which has spent many millions of dollars on developing a full-spectrum, combined arms military capability.

“Still, Yerevan has significant capabilities of its own at its disposal, including an advanced S-300 air defense system (which Azerbaijan also fields), as well as the short-range Iskander-M missile system (which Azerbaijan notably does not)—the latter likely being much more useful for deterrence than in the event of open war,” the article says.

Reflecting on the recent Armenian-Azeri summit in Geneva, the author of the article noted the urgency of renewed conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan may have found a moment’s reprieve following that meeting.

 

Source Panorama.am

The equipment which costs 76 million AMD donated by Karen Vardanyan to Hematology Center will save lives

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The Diagnosis in Hematology Center after Yeolyan will become more effective with the help of the new equipment.

The president of “Grand Candy” Company and philanthropist Karen Vardanyan donated to Hematology Center an equipment which costs 76 million AMD.

This device, which is exclusive in Armenia, will discover molecular genetic deviations, mutated gene and the treatment will be targeted. It will clarify whether transplantation is needed, will find out the compatibility of the patient and the donor. Many patients with this issue went abroad till now.

Italy’s Elitaliana interested in bringing helicopter services to Armenia

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The Italian company Elitaliana is interested in providing helicopter services in Armenia, CEO Alessandro Giulivi said at a meeting with the chief of Armenia’s General Department of Civil Aviation Sergey Avetisyan.

At a meeting in Yerevan, the Italian delegation introduced Elitaliana’s activity, as well as the services that the company provides.

Founded in 1964, Elitaliana operates in a number of areas, such as search and rescue (SAR), aerial work, freight transport, offshore transportation, forest firefighting, disinfestation and environmental monitoring services.

Avetisyan, in turn, hailed the company’s interest in Armenia and briefed the Italians about the steps that the country is taking to develop civil aviation.