Australian officials counteract Turkey threats

August 24, 2013 By administrator

August 24, 2013 | 02:39

Prime Minister of the Australian New South Wales (NSW) Barry O’Farrell and other officials resisted the Turkish government’s threats to ban them from the Gallipoli celebrations, ABC writes.

The threats were voiced after NSW parliament adopted a resolution recognizing the 1915 Armenian Genocide perpetrated by the Ottoman Empire.

Responding to Turkish officials, Barry O’Farrell noted that the fact cannot be denied.

“What a terrible indictment by the consul general of the freedom that was fought for on the Gallipoli Peninsula in 1915. The truth will set people free, history should never be denied, otherwise it is likely to be repeated,” the Premier said.

Transport Minister Gladys Berejiklian, who is of Armenian origin, said the Australians stand aside by their ability to express the views freely and this “freedom is exactly what was fought for in Gallipoli in 1915.”

‘Turkey will never rule Arab World’ – Egypt’s FM Nabil Fahmy.

August 24, 2013 By administrator

A non-Arab state, like Turkey, can’t rule the Arab World, Egypt’s interim foreign minister, Nabil Fahmy, told RT Arabic in an exclusive interview, calling Ankara’s ambitions to restore the Ottoman Empire groundless due to failed relations with neighbors.

Egypt’s interim government has only nine months ahead of it, but during that time Egypt will review its relations with all the countries on the world map, Fahmy said.

The minister stressed that all the attempts by the US and the EU to bring the army-backed government and the pro-Morsi Muslim Brotherhood movement to the negotiations table have failed, because the sides weren’t ready to reach an agreement and lacked mutual trust.

“First of all, it refers to the political Islam movements. The Muslim Brotherhood wanted a return to the past, but it’s impossible and unacceptable for the majority of the Egyptian people,” he said. “It’s not a problem between the Muslim Brotherhood and the government or the leadership of Egypt. It’s a problem between the Muslim Brotherhood and the majority of the Egyptian people.”

The FM stressed that all the attempts of “internationalization” of the Egyptian problem won’t be tolerated and that the crisis in the country will be settled “the Egyptian way.”

Fahmy has slammed Egypt’s foreign policy under Morsi, saying it was too ideological and lacked sense of direction, “hopping between the Eastern and pro-Western course.”

The minister said that it’s going to change under him. He has ordered a revision of Egypt’s relations with all the states on the world map “without exception,” including the US, which had significant influence on the country’s previous government.

“Our decisions will be based on evaluation of how our relations get in line with our [Egypt’s] interests,” he explained.

Despite Qatar, Saudi Arabia, UAE and Kuwait showing their support for the Muslim Brotherhood, it’s necessary for Egypt to maintain close and effective dialogue with its Arab neighbors, Fahmy stressed.

“Our relations with Arab states are relations with brotherly states. Therefore, they have a special nature and are unlike any traditional relationship between two different countries,” he said. “Our mutual understanding in relations with brotherly states – when it’s present – reaches the greatest heights. When there are differences between us, no matter how tense they are, in the end we always find a solution in the frame of our special relations.”

According to the FM, all former statements now belong in the past and in building its new foreign policy Cairo won’t go back to the status quo before June 30, when the first anti-Morsi protests began across the country.

But Fahmy criticized Turkey and the Islamist government of prime minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan for their backing of the Muslin Brotherhood rule in Egypt.

Erdogan’s Justice and Development Party (AKP) “is afraid that if the ideas of political Islam will fail in the region, it’ll has [have] a negative impact on its own position within Turkey,” he explained.

The minister also believes that the Turkish plan to recreate the Ottoman Empire of 1299-1923 and take the leading position in the Arab World has no grounds in it.

“A non-Arab state can’t head the Arab Islamic world,” Fahmy said, adding that Turkish foreign policy, which was previously highly appreciated, is now “suffering a defeat”.

“It’s clear that Turkey currently has bad relations with all of its neighboring countries,” he stressed. “Thus, Turkey can’t become the head of the Islamic World at the present stage because of its failed foreign policy and lack of capacity to play a leading role in the region.”

The cooling of relations between the two countries recently led to cancellation of joint military drills, but Fahmy noted that “in the long term, neither Egypt nor Turkey are interested in their relationship being spoiled.”

There should also be “no hostility” in relations between Cairo and Hamas, although the Palestinian Sunni Islamic movement, which controls the Gaza strip, stands on basically the same grounds as the Muslim Brotherhood, the FM stressed.

He called Hamas “a part of the solution of the Palestinian problem,” but stressed that Egypt respects its peace treaty with Israel, expressing hope that the 1979 document would become “a starting point for a comprehensive peace between the Arab countries and Israel.”

As for the situation in Syria where the civil war between the government and western-backed Islamist rebels has been raging since March 2011, Fahmy expressed his full backing for the Geneva-2 peace talks.

“It must be a serious conference with the participation of all stakeholders,” he said. “Because the situation in Syria contains the dangerous potential of ‘reshaping’ the whole of the Middle East to such an extent that we haven’t seen since World War I.”

Fahmy also said he has frequent and “objective” conversations with his Russian counterpart, Sergey Lavrov, promising that bilateral visits which will clarify the situation between Moscow and Cairo are “just a matter of time”.

Nabil Fahmy was sworn in as Egypt’s foreign minister in the interim government led by PM Hazem Al Beblawi, on July 16. The 62-year-old is a career diplomat, who from 1999 to 2008 was his country’s ambassador to the US.

Assyrians Discuss Possible State in Iraq

August 23, 2013 By administrator

Iraq’s Assyrian Catholic residents hold a memorial Mass marking the first anniversary of victims killed in a militant attack on Our Lady of Salvation Church in 2010, at the church in Baghdad, Oct. 31, 2011. (photo by REUTERS/Saad Shalash)

By: Ali Mamouri for Al-Monitor Iraq Pulse

In light of the instability in Iraq and the indifference of the Iraqi government toward the protection of its citizens, Iraqi minorities are developing ways to save themselves from the hell in which they live in a country that has for a long time refused to embrace them. Immigration without return started decades ago, with Iraq indifferently and uncaringly ready losing its cultural components, one by one.

Yet, those who left — be they Jewish, Christian, Mandaean or others — remained nostalgic for their homeland. Because of the impossibility of safely returning, some minorities began thinking of other ways to achieve their national dream.

The Assyrian Association Union, in partnership with the Australian Assyrian Universal Alliance (AUA), held the conference “Return to Assyria,” in celebration of Assyria Day on June 30. Australian Treasurer Chris Bowen and Linda Ben-Menashe, head of the public relations departments for humanitarian organizations for the Association of Jewish Representatives in New South Wales, attended the conference, which was held for the third year in a row.

The gathering in Sydney, Australia, focused on the right of Assyrians to return to their homes and their right to self-determination in their historical lands, primarily in the Iraqi province of Ninevah. Two main ideas headlined the conference: establishing an autonomous Assyrian state within Iraq or an independent state separate from Iraq. Each camp supported its proposal with legal evidence, taking into consideration as models either the Iraqi Kurdistan Region or the state of Israel.

Bowen is a supporter of establishing an autonomous Assyrian state in Ninevah province. He has made concerted efforts to convince the New South Wales parliament to adopt a resolution supporting the Assyrian people in establishing an autonomous state on their ancestral lands. His work efforts paid off, as the Australian Parliament recognized Assyrian Genocide Day, known as Sayfo, as an annual memorial to the extermination of Assyrians at the hands of Ottoman forces and Kurdish armed groups.

On the other hand, Menashe urged Assyrians to follow the lines of the Zionist model, by forming global organization, working on returning Assyrians to their homeland, forming an army and finally using world lobbies to pressure international organization to recognize the state of Assyria.

Assyrians are divided over this proposal. According to Anna David, a lawyer specializing in international law, establishing an autonomous Assyrian state in light of the current conflict in the region does not serve Assyrians’ interest, as the Assyrian region would be a constant target by neighboring provinces, especially Ninevah, which possesses tremendous oil reserves. This is not to mention that these lands are disputed by a number of conflicting forces.

Assyrian author Farouk Curkis believes that Assyrians do not need to follow in the footsteps of others to gain their legitimate rights, especially since the Iraqi Constitution allows all areas of Iraq to establish self-rule provinces, and Assyrians are among the oldest peoples of Mesopotamia.

Nevertheless, the Assyrians’ expressed ambition to establish their own state, particularly in their last conference, provoked strong reactions by some Arab writers, who considered this to be a conspiracy and betrayal of the homeland. It should be noted that campaigns against Christians in Iraq are ongoing, claiming the lives of thousands, while a number of churches have been demolished, and clerics have been abducted.

Among Iraqi Christians, the Assyrians have the worst memories of modern Iraq. They were oppressed and subjected to mass murder at the hands of the Iraqi army after they demanded autonomy in 1933. The massacre was known as the Simele massacre. Between 600 and 3,000 Assyrians were killed, according to different sources. The massacre came as they were catching their breath after the Sayfo genocide, during the World War I, in which half of them died.

Regardless of the proposals and suggestions, Iraqi minorities continue to face major challenges and concerns because the Iraqi government has yet to make a serious attempt to build a civil state, providing equal rights and protections for all its citizens.

Ali Mamouri is a researcher and writer who specializes in religion. He is a former teacher in Iranian universities and seminaries in Iran and Iraq. He has published several articles related to religious affairs in the two countries and societal transformations and sectarianism in the Middle East.

Armenia marks Declaration of Independence 23rd anniversary (video)

August 23, 2013 By administrator

August 23 marks the 23nd anniversary of Declaration of Independence of the Republic of Armenia.

22 years ago, the Supreme Council adopted a declaration of Armenian independence, renaming Armenian Socialist Republic as the Republic of Armenia.

On September 21, 1991, Armenia held a referendum, with 94,99% of the population voting for the independence.

State and society after the genocide in Turkey (The Armenian girls)

August 22, 2013 By administrator

Journalist, author, documentary filmmaker Suciyan Tallinn since 2008, has completed his doctoral thesis work with great care. ‘Ordinary Survival Sew what’s happened: 1930 1950 Armenians in Turkey’ comprehensive thesis titled post Suciyan, the Armenians of Turkey from past to present social life and politics of the state deny the traces of Armenians

Armenian girls continued during the period of the Republic of kidnapping. One of the main reasons they come to Istanbul Armenians living outside the Istanbul Armenian families have to live with the danger of being kidnapped their daughter’s education, and that they were to reach a
Tallinn is a name that labor Suciyan successfully in many areas. Journalist, author, documentary filmmaker Suciyan, worked with great care since 2008, has completed his doctoral thesis. ‘SurvivingtheOrdinary: TheArmenians in Turkey 1930s to 1950’ (Trivial what’s happened Achieve Survival: Armenians in Turkey 1950, 1930), the title of the Ludwig-Maximilians-University of Munich, Turkey Studies Chair of the Department of Middle Eastern Studies thesis is a comprehensive study of post Suciyan the period of Turkey’s Armenians Armenian press, movement, and various other sources of social life and the past to the present Armenian state policy of denial traces of Armenians.

EMRE ERTANİ
emreertani@agos.com.tr
The minutes of the Armenian National Assembly, the Armenian primary sources such as reports reaching akademiysen the official historiography mechanisms to ignore these resources, denial sıradanlaşan applications in everyday life, a new conceptual propositions are revealing. On the occasion of this thesis contemplates the LMU Soykırımsonrasıtarihyazımı still working as a lecturer in the Department of Studies in Turkey Suciyan’la interviewed Tallinn.

Thesis title ‘Survival’s happened ordinary Sew: 1930 1950 Armenians in Turkey’, the ‘ordinary’ Let’s start with the concept. What are commonplace?

Are commonplace, and many other fields remanufactured established habitusudur denied. Soykırımsonrası deny the state and the individual imagination of habitus both in Turkey and in consequence, has created an important socializing. This is the daily life of all of us Talat Paşa Primary Ergenekon Street or Armenians, Jews, Greeks, Assyrians, Kurds, Alevis as anti-entered.
If taken as a priority target in these groups, all the groups targeted by the state, or religious leftists have become the target and victim of the same unbelievers habitus. Habitus is no exception to this law. ‘Insulting Turkishness’ cases and the social and legal effect of these cases / structure, or expropriation, confiscation of property is a part of the same mediocrity. In this case, the sense of justice in society are also eliminated. The sense of justice on the Republican establishment, the case example of how you can comforting consciences?

However, many times to change the names of the village is a part of the same mediocrity. The inclusion of military areas that are part of the cultural heritage of buildings, making the state agency, or to use as a barn destruction of dynamite, the presence of people who lived in these areas, anlamsızlaştırılması cultural heritage, through the elimination of these assets, when combined with edilmesidir.Bütün casual racism and denial of annihilation sıradanlaşır.
For example, trying to live in Northern Mesopotamia, Asia Minor and buried its dead face attacks on Armenians, Armenian, street children, school exits face racist attacks, when going out in Tokat remaining Jews “Jewish malady, swallows the entire nation – the Jewish collar bit, iti our street,” he being exposed through the media of racism or ethnic / religious groups openly attack, degrade, sıradanlaşır members in the same way as targets.
Insert the mentality of unbelievers, the state, society, street through him, with him örgütlediğinizde, it is now agreed otherwise not think of one situation reveals a mediocrity. This together with the Republic institutionalized very quickly. Still waiting to read up on the history of the Republic of understanding the mechanisms of denial business. Turkey can recover from a percentage of the freedoms denied clamp itself, a country can be a sense of justice and social peace will be established.

Çokluluğundan Armenian sources, and talk about the authenticity of reach of your thesis in the introduction, some of the resources inaccessible see any justification in the use of language is part of a policy of denial saying. Do you need to share these resources as well as application examples of the unbelievers?

First of all, I reached my only, but in general, the reputation of both the number of Armenian sources with the Republican period, as well as a wide variety of told him that. Be able to say the same thing for the pre-Republican. My research began in the 1930s was about the end of 1950 publications and resources collecting browsing this period is not possible for all the time I get it. ‘No BarperaganMamuliMadenakidutyun’ (1794-1967) (the Armenian Periodicals Bibliography) between 1924 and 1950, the number of 71 to 94, giving two separate. Even if we accept the first of these numbers is correct, this is still a very high number for a doctoral dissertation research. Therefore, future researchers with the history of the Republic of material ready for a busy Armenian sources.
Survivors in the United States in the 1980s, 1915, oral history work, or that cities around the world, having produced a live Armenian historiography books are not part of the Ottoman Empire and Turkey.

In the same way all the sources I used in my thesis is not only the history of the Armenians, the Republic of Turkey is a part of historiography. However, as Western Armenian, Greek, Ladino, Syriac, Arabic, Kurdish, other than those imposed on the rate of becoming excluded from the historiography. In this case, the language resources are becoming sources of silence
‘Insulting Turkishness’ cases and the social and legal effect of these cases / structure, or expropriation, confiscation of property is a part of the same mediocrity. In this case, the sense of justice in society are also eliminated. The sense of justice on the Republican establishment, the case example of how you can comforting consciences?

Armenians Armenian newspapers scanned thesis that the primary sources of the period in which matters the most in recent history has attracted your attention?

Armenians from the 1930s to understand the transformation of institutions and society in general, NorLur, Ngar, Panper, NorHuys, NorLuys, as well as newspapers, yearbooks SurpPırgiç Hospital, as well as for the years 1940 Marmara, NorLur, NorOr, Aysor, newspapers and Paros TebiLuys , yine1940’lı years, starting from the late 1950s until the YerçanigDarekirk’e (Happy Year) and looked Yıllıkları’na Bardez. Jamanak newspaper in part, subject-based scanned. Starting from 2003, took advantage of some of the issues of Agos. These reports are prepared by committees of the Assembly, the Armenian National Assembly, minutes, and it was a very important primary sources.
These resources are not only light on the history of Armenians in Turkey in terms of social and political history gives important clues. Historiography of the Ottoman Empire and Turkey, as well as many popular show them the memories of the patriarch is very important, especially before and after 1915, and offers a wide variety of information. Unfortunately, I could not reach the memory of the patriarch of the Republican period. Patriarch Mesrob Naroyan’ın lot of memories of the 1930s, even a few lines telling quotations. Another important source of information for the period leading lights of memories. Taurus Azadyan’ın ‘LipananyanHuşer’ (Memoirs of Lebanon), the moment of Aras Publishing books, such as ‘Step Agop hometown slap’ or ‘BatmutyunMalatyoHayots’ (History of the Armenians of Malatya), ‘BadmutyunYozgatiyevŞırçagayitsHayots’ (History of the Armenians living in and around Yozgat) as parts of the city for the period of the Republic of historical books on local history offers important resources. Also published in Armenia Gatoğigos VI. Especially in the history of Armenians in Turkey as well as letters written by George, II. The period after World War II, Soviet Armenia, Turkey,

Armenians all over the world, and a very valuable resource in the context of politics.
Of course, in addition to the Prime Minister of the Republic of Archives, as primary sources, especially non-Muslims, and in particular against the Armenians in the Republican period, the policy of the state in general, are important in understanding. In addition, the Armenians living in different places, was born and my oral history work, the documentation was deep-saving daily life experiences.
Armenian press of the period I had the chance to work with a large newspaper archive, and thus understood that the different functions of the Armenian newspapers. Armenian newspapers in the Republic of Armenian history in a systematic learning function, see the impossibility of creating awareness is an important date. Armenian newspapers tıpkıbasımlar the difficulty of achieving the primary sources, the patriarchate, gatoğigosluk releases, legislation, application changes, it is important biographical information, memories, Turkish newspapers Armenians Armenian news-letter Turkish translations as text or quotes, quotations from newspapers around the world, the Armenian diaspora in other malls about what’s happening in the news, foundations and community day to day monitoring of cases related to the property, easy to reach, such as insulting texts relevant to their cases have more news. An important part of these functions caused by the Armenians continues today in the newspapers.

Alternatively, a concept of historiography began to be used the last 120 years. You dahiloldunuz how far into your dissertation into shaping the conceptual framework? History of the Armenian historiography in Turkey in terms of where you come at alternative do you think?

Social sciences and historiography of the 20th century, around two important debates fed. One of them is 20 and the other sömürgecilikse century was that century of genocide, the Holocaust, especially the European intellectual, social, political, cultural and artistic life The impact of changes in these areas can not be separated. However, these two issues in the area of Turkey and the Ottoman historiography was unfortunately too late.
For example, his research and publications signatures The ödettirilen costs due to what can be done in Turkey, is a clear sign of what academics. On the Ottoman colonialism to be broadcast today, it is still the fingers of both hands until we understand that many of the English? Holocaust literature figures expressed or built from tens of thousands all over the world literature in Turkey cılızlığını How can we explain this? Of course, in turn, “But I have this book, this book is” there will be those. But I’m talking about is not this or that publication, a consciousness that has not been created, the creation of more awareness is blocked. Europe, the United States-led studies in Turkey or India was gripped by decades of denial. At this moment, however, talk about how the Armenian historiography in Turkey, is a professional?
Only one to deny deny, but to create a new narrative, creating new areas of interest and to support the development of these areas requires to sit on the main theme. Prof. Hans-LukasKieser’in’Iskalanmış Peace ‘as he said in his book ten years of partnership with Turkey called the state historian studies in Turkey and abroad. Kieser said this partnership as an essential condition I. World War I, the Armenian and Kurdish issues, the Christian missions, and in general about the Christian heritage of Anatolia yapmamaktı research. Thus, the absence of Jews in Turkey and the Ottoman historiography of the history of Germany and the Indians into a California not. This situation began to change, but since the early 1990s
Insert the mentality of unbelievers, the state, society, street through him, with him örgütlediğinizde, it is now agreed otherwise not think of one situation reveals a mediocrity. This together with the Republic institutionalized very quickly and became a part of the social space. Still waiting to read up on the history of the Republic of understanding the mechanisms of denial of a business

Why you focus your thesis, especially the period between 1930-1950? What were the main problems experienced by the Armenian community in Turkey during this period?

Thesis is based on the life experince remaining Armenians in Turkey wanted to determine the date range. In this regard, the source offers plenty of single-party period, the foundation trustees of a single application of the management of the Armenian undermine the Regulation, which continue to come to Istanbul Armenians in Asia Minor and northern Mesopotamia, patriarchal authority removed from being the center of social and political power, religious area compressed so important developments took over the heritage of the Republic created in 1915 by denying those between -23 and dilemmas.
Trying to understand these developments from the 1930s, particularly in the period 1944-1950 crisis, the choice between the patriarch tried to look. This date coincides with the turning point for Turkey, but most important. II. After World War II international environment, Turkey’s position, relations with the USSR, Stalin Armenians migrated to the call, then re-power Eçmiadzin’in1930’lu years recovering from the crisis and the role of politics in the international arena to do Armenians in Turkey, the Patriarch Mesrob Naroyan’ın BaşepiskoposKevorkArslanyan’ın instead of sudden death in 1944, the trustee appointed to prepare the way for elections rather than on the legacy of the late patriarch management SurpPırgiç Hospital after a serious legal struggle and not to organize the selection of the patriarchs, first of all the actors mentioned later in Istanbul Armenians had reason to be involved in an international crisis.
In general, the weakest actor in the Republican period, the Armenians in Turkey were not even all the international conjuncture, the position assigned to them acting strikingly apparent fraudulent representation, but even in this case the task expected of them üstlenmeleriydi. General position, which the actor himself in various newspapers editors wrote articles expressing periods slippery floor or directly from the newspapers are closed. II. One of the most important issues during and after World War II kampanyalarıydı Armenian hostility.
These campaigns conducted in the field of national and international Armenian newspapers published in Istanbul and all that had to respond to comments about political issues or completely shut down as a result, or the editors of these newspapers incarceration, placing, causing to leave the country. Short-lived and the newspaper publishing daily life NorOr issuers to leave the country before the arrest and then only one of the examples given to it.
We also continued during the period of the Republic of Armenian girls’ abduction. One of the main reasons they come to Istanbul Armenians living outside the Istanbul Armenian families have to live with the danger of being kidnapped their daughter and that they were to reach a degree. The school can not open outside of Istanbul Armenians was a Republican dilemma.
There were certainly on paper, but in practice the opening of the Armenian school of Rights were forbidden. These are the reasons that make the Armenians obligation in terms of just the two of you to go to Istanbul. Ultimately in 1915, after the perpetrator and the victim’s co-inhabited regions, as everyone knows, what is going on every day, and everyone was aware of the places where each other’s face looked. Oral history banality of this situation is clearly seen in the work and memories.

Republican period and the Diaspora Armenians alırkenhabitus terms referring to the social and political hayatınıele. This is what concepts are involved?

Habitus and the remaining Armenians in Turkey during diasporaCumhuriyet looking at the history of the history of the Republic, and in general I find most useful tools. I understand it is that all the research I’ve done, by the denial of the elite Republican history between 1915 and 1923, it is found international support mechanisms and institutionalization of the entire state of denial with the existing street, the neighborhood, and remanufactured accepted almost all social areas revealed a habitus.
This habitusta racism, conception of justice is turned upside down, attacking Muslims or normality audiences targeted by the state, it would not constitute a criminal conviction and therefore established the practice of everyday life. So insulting normality of cases, ‘Talk to Turkish citizens’ campaigns created by the media, Wealth Tax, 20 Kura military applications, especially in Istanbul Armenians living outside the school, weddings, while burying their dead or setting off dynamite gömemezken churches faced racist attacks or something they witnessed, while avoid, all of which have been accepted behaviors, judgments, and values are whole. Although before it is launched in the state and its institutions in the street, you find quite a large reflection. Thus, a denial of mediocrity, constantly reproduces itself as a state of normality.
The second concept, the concept of diaspora. Other communities in the Diaspora Armenians remaining in Turkey and Armenia and the diaspora is not a separate position, because it is said to live in their own homeland. However, this opinion is an important part of the concept of the 1930-40s years of the Kemalist state archives of the Prime Minister of the Republic can be seen easily. Archives of the Republic of the many reports on the Armenian press in an Armenian newspaper ‘other Armenian colonies’ whether or not bond with them, gave special attention to the news about how much space is shown. The eyes of public opinion formation of an Armenian newspaper, one of the most basic criteria for relations with the diaspora. In addition, all the anti-Armenian campaigns, the Armenians themselves ‘poor Armenians outside’ reservation and asked to bring itself in line with the official policy of Turkey aynıyla that applies today.
From the outset of the Kemalist state approach, the need to demand the right to block the remaining Armenians goods returned to Turkey, through the control of the press and media as well as the remaining Armenians in Turkey, the separation from relatives scattered all over the world, used the practice of organizing them against each other. Supported the policies of the Republican era deportations continue, given the decisions of relocation if necessary, that the Armenian diaspora has made on the land where they live. Yozgat have had to come to Istanbul, the Armenians in the same situation where thousands of displaced people die centers, broke, unemployed, homeless and hungry people, how can we say that they are not the diaspora?
The nation-state, nationalism, minority explaining concepts such as the practice of the republican period in Turkey is inadequate. Because of a situation beyond these concepts, soykırımsonrası soykırımsonrası state and society, there is the matter. Of the concept of Diaspora in this direction, I think we should be reconsidered in order to include these realities. But here is not only the perceptions and feelings, institutional, social, cultural, economic, historical, structural changes in the exit path is recommended. In particular experiences of the Armenians remaining in Turkey would be an important contribution of this literature.

‘We owe it to history Varujan’a Baron’

VarujanKöseyan’ın researcher and writer dedicated to the memory of your thesis. Could you tell us the story of this?

Holy Savior Hospital is a large part of the research in the garden room, a storage place like I did. VarujanKöseyan collected on a regular basis since 1927, saving it in the newspaper recycling volumes dizmişti shelves. If you do not have resources, it would be very important for the period of the Republic had not done it. Therefore, we owe it to Baron Varujan’a history. Approximately five months of the year for two years prior to his death he was closely followed what I was doing, and he was having a warehouse.
For me the most important part of this study is its dostluğuydu. Oral history conversations made many times in history the securities and scientific study, in which the horizon for me açıcıydı rigor. After the death of hospital management, especially discontinue the opportunity to work Arsen provided Yarman. Right now, as far as rearranging the store and began to work to prepare an archive room, I found there, and of course all my heart shall be available for use by researchers in periodicals archive VarujanKöseyan the archive name to give it.

Source: agos.com

Sarajevo, 1995 and Damascus, 2013: The use of mass attack deception to decide wars

August 22, 2013 By administrator

Yossef Bodansky, Senior Editor, GIS/Defense & Foreign Affairs

In August 1995, Western governments, and particularly the Bill Clinton White House, were in great quandary.

The negotiations with the Serbs were going well as President Slobodan Milosevic was demonstrating unprecedented flexibility and accepting virtually all the demands put forward by the West.

Hence, it was becoming politically and legally impossible for the U.S.-led West to launch the NATO military intervention which President Clinton had promised Bosnia-Herzegovina leader Alija Izetbegovic the U.S. would launch in order to quickly win the war for the Bosnian-Muslims.

Then, on Aug. 28, 1995, at around 11:00 hrs local, a mortar shell appeared to hit the Markale market place in Sarajevo, killing 38 people and wounding another 90. Russian Col. Andrei Demurenko, then the commander of UN Forces in Sarajevo, immediately rushed with an UNPROFOR team to the supposed Bosnian-Serb mortar positions and ascertained that none of them could have been used to fire the mortar rounds.

Demurenko’s report stated that the Bosnian-Serb forces were falsely blamed for the attack on the Markale.

Nevertheless, ostensibly in response to the massacre, NATO launched the air campaign against Bosnian-Serb forces and shortly afterwards decided the war in favor of the Bosnian-Muslims.

On Aug. 31, 1995, Jean Daniel, then Editor of the magazine Le Nouvel Observateur, wrote an article titled “No more lies about Bosnia”. In the article, Daniel recounted an exchange he had just had with French Prime Minister Edouard Balladur about the NATO air campaign and the motivations for it. “They [the Muslims] have committed this carnage on their own people?” Daniel asked. “Yes,” confirmed Balladur without hesitation, “but at least they forced NATO to intervene.”

The Aug. 21, 2013, chemical attack in Ghouta, a suburb of Damascus, might become the Markale of the Syrian war.

On Aug. 19, a UN expert delegation arrived in Damascus to study reports and evidence of earlier use of chemical weapons. The next day, they were presented with detailed scientific, technical, and military data about the alleged chemical attacks, soil contamination and why the Syrian Armed Forces could not have carried out these attacks.

Russian and other foreign experts who studied the data separately found it compelling.

The Syrian military also presented the UN team with detailed intelligence evidence about chemical weapons and production labs affiliated with the opposition discovered in Syria, Turkey and Iraq.

On Aug. 21, the Syrian opposition announced a massive chemical attack in Ghouta which allegedly inflicted about 1,300 fatalities including hundreds of children. As in previous chemical attacks blamed on the Assad administration, the attackers used the ubiquitous Sarin nerve gas. Immediately, the opposition flooded Western media with pictures of the dead, but provided no conclusive evidence about the attack and the perpetrators.

Moreover, initial opposition reports claimed the attack was conducted by a barrage of rockets. Subsequently, in the context of renewed outcries for a No Fly Zone, the opposition claimed that the chemical attack was a part of a massive bombing by the Syrian Air Force. Yet, the opposition’s pictures show no casualties suffering shrapnel wounds associated with aerial bombing. Stern denials by the Syrian Government of any involvement in the attack were largely ignored by the West. At the time of writing, the UN expert delegation and foreign diplomats were denied access to the attack site by the opposition forces ostensibly because of fear for their safety.

The context of the attack is of great significance.

Starting Aug. 17 and 18, nominally Free Syrian Army (FSA) units — in reality a separate Syrian and Arab army trained and equipped by the CIA as well as Jordanian and other intelligence services — attempted to penetrate southern Syria from northern Jordan and start a march on Damascus. The U.S.-sponsored war plan was based on the Autumn 2011 march on Tripoli, Libya, by CIA-sponsored army from Tunisia which decided the Libyan war and empowered the Islamists.

Two units, one 250-strong and one 300-strong, crossed into Syria and began advancing parallel to the Golan Heights border. Their aim was to break east and reach Daraa quickly in order to prepare the ground for the declaration of Daraa as the capital of a “Free Syria”. However, the CIA’s FSA forces met fierce resistance by the unlikely coalition of the Syrian Army, local jihadist forces (mainly the locally-raised Yarmuk Brigades), and even tribal units who fear the encroachment by outside forces on their domain. By Aug. 19 and 20, the FSA units were surrounded in three villages not far from the Israeli border.

An attempt to use an Indian UNDOF patrol as human shield failed. The FSA commanders were now (ie: as of late Aug. 21) pleading for massive reinforcements and an air campaign to prevent their decimation.

Meanwhile, on Aug. 19, in Ghouta, more than 50 local opposition fighters and their commanders laid down their arms and switched sides. A few prominent local leaders widely associated with the opposition went on Syrian TV. They denounced the jihadists and their crimes against the local population, and stressed that the Assad administration was the real guardian of the people and their interests. More than a dozen ex-rebels joined the Syrian Government forces.

Hence, the last thing the Assad administration would do is commit atrocities against the Ghouta area and the local population which had just changed sides so dramatically. For the opposition, fiercely avenging such a betrayal and petrifying other would-be traitors is a must. Furthermore, in view of the failure of the march on Daraa and Damascus by the CIA’s FSA forces, there was an urgent imperative for the opposition to provoke a Western military intervention before the rebellion collapsed completely, and Assad consolidated victory.

In Obama’s Washington, there has been a growing opposition to intervention.

Chairman of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff Gen. Martin E. Dempsey, who had just been to the Jordan and Israel on an inspection tour of the Syrian crisis, publicly doubted the expediency of an armed intervention, because supporting the opposition would not serve the U.S. national and security interests. Dempsey wrote to Congress that while the U.S. “can destroy the Syrian Air Force”, such a step would “escalate and potentially further commit the United States to the conflict”.

There was no compelling strategic reason for such an undertaking. “Syria today is not about choosing between two sides but rather about choosing one among many sides,” Dempsey wrote. “It is my belief that the side we choose must be ready to promote their interests and ours when the balance shifts in their favor. Today, they are not.”

However, President Obama’s own inner-most circle has made it clear that it is committed to “humanitarian interventionism” of the kind exercised in Bosnia, Kosovo, and Libya.

Absent legitimate national interests, a U.S.-led intervention must be based on humanitarian reasons such in retaliation to atrocities and chemical attacks.

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Turkey threatens to ban NSW MPs from Gallipoli centenary over genocide vote (VIDEO)

August 21, 2013 By administrator

By defence correspondent Michael Brissenden

The Turkish Government has threatened to ban all members of the NSW Parliament from attending the centenary commemorations at Gallipoli in 2015.

The move comes in response to motions passed unanimously by the parliament in May officially recognising the Armenian genocide.

The notion of a genocide has long been a contentious point of debate for Turks many of whom argue that it is a misrepresentation of history.

But many scholars and other eyewitness accounts, some from Anzac Prisoners of War who were interned in empty Armenian churches, witnessed the deportation and emptying out of Armenian villages and support the genocide claims.

The pilgrimage to Gallipoli has become almost a rite of passage for young Australians. It is, for many, about connecting with a national identity.

But as they stand bleary eyed at the dawn service wrapped in the flag, few would know that in 1915 as Australian soldiers were forging their own national mythology on the beaches of Anzac Cove – elsewhere in Turkey the Ottoman regime was conducting the wholesale removal and destruction of another national identity.

That process of deportations, forced marches and executions began in the area known as Anatolia just days before the ANZACS landed at Gallipoli.

But many historians fear that as we approach the centenary of both events, the Anzac legend and the Gallipoli industry that has sprung up around it may obscure the other important commemoration.

People were ‘systematically eliminated’

The Christian campaigner and NSW Upper House MP Fred Nile was the force behind the unanimous motions passed by both houses of the NSW Parliament.

He says the Armenians have no time for arguments about definitions or the sensitivities of the modern Turkish state.

Mr Nile has just returned from a tour of Armenia with a cross-party delegation.

“(The Ottoman Turks) just eliminated people systematically – community by community, village by village”, he says.

“In fact it’s interesting that when Adolf Hitler planned the genocide of the Jews there were some questions asked and he said himself ‘Don’t worry, who remembers the Armenian genocide?’ Who remembers it?”

And genocide scholars also have no doubts.

Colin Tatz is a world renowned genocide expert who has spent his entire career investigating racial extermination from Nazi Germany through to the Australian frontier wars.

“There is categorical evidence that what happened between 1915 and 1922 was genocide of the Armenians, the Pontian Greeks and the Assyrian communities to the extent of roughly half of their population”.

Those individuals who show no respect to our history will not be welcome in Turkey

Turkish Consul General Gulseren Celik

Scholars like professor Tatz put the final death toll at about one-and-a-half million people and he says many Armenians have welcomed the NSW Parliamentary motions.

Around the world Turkish efforts to prevent any official recognition of genocide have been remarkably successful.

Only 21 countries have passed a resolution to that effect. The British government and the United States government have not, although 43 US states have, and neither has the Australian Government.

The Turkish Consul General Gulseren Celik says she is confident the Federal Parliament has no intention of following what she describes as the “outrageous” NSW motions.

“We expect Australians to show the same kind of respect that we have shown to their history and their ancestry,” she said.

“Those individuals who show no respect to our history will not be welcome in Turkey.”

Evidence of Anzac PoWs dismissed as a ‘fabrication’

The Turkish foreign minister Ahmet Davutoglu has hit back in a press release.

“These persons who try to damage the spirit of Canakkle/Gallipoli will also not have their place in the Canakkale ceremonies where we commemorate our sons lying side by side in our soil,” he said.

The local council at Gallipoli has also made it clear the critics will not be welcome at the centenary celebrations in 2015.

“We announce to the public that we will not forgive those who are behind these decisions and that we don’t want to see them in Canakkale anymore,” it said.

When asked by the ABC if this meant that NSW Premier Barry O’Farrell, and indeed the entire NSW Parliament would not be given visas to attend the centenary commemorations, Gulseren Celik replied, “yes”.

In her letter to the NSW Parliament Ms Celik dismissed the evidence of Anzac PoWs as a fabrication.

“As we near the centenary of the Gallipoli Campaign the proponents of the so-called genocide will continue their quest to try to hijack the very special bond that exists between our two countries by fabricating that Anzac soldiers who were PoW were witnesses to these so-called allegations,” she said.

The link between the Anzacs, Gallipoli and the Armenian genocide is a sensitive area for all, wrapped as it is in the legend of two nations who both cling to the significance that this one military campaign has had on their national identities.

Turkish officials are frequent visitors to the Australian war memorial, for instance, and Armenian Australians have long been critical of the influence they believe the Turks have had on the way the memorial has depicted the Australian World War I experience.

World War I galleries make little mention of genocide

World War I galleries are currently being renovated but in the past public exhibitions glossed over the Armenian experience with no mention of genocide.

Although some information has been posted on the War Memorial’s website, it has shied away from the events, saying that at this stage they will not be including this story in the new galleries as the World War I gallery space is limited and only so many stories can be told.

But World War I historians, such as Peter Stanley who worked for many years at the War Memorial, say 2015 should be an occasion that allows both countries to be bigger than their national self interest.

“I would expect that it would be covered in proportion by an Australian institution that is explaining to us the First World War as a whole,” he said.

“I think the Turks are expecting that the friendship we forged through Gallipoli, which is genuine, is enough to paper over our knowledge of the Armenian genocide but the fact of the matter is it isn’t.

“Australians want to know the truth about the First World War and the truth about the Great War is that a million-and-half Armenians died at the hands of the Ottoman Empire.”

Know more about this story? Email investigations@abc.net.au

Turkish PM a successor to Nazi propagandist Goebbels, Israel’s Lieberman says

August 21, 2013 By administrator

ISTANBUL

Avigdor Lieberman, an Israeli deputy and former foreign minister, has waded into the reaction to Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s accusations over Israeli involvement in the July 3 coup in Egypt, calling Erdoğan a successor to Nazi Germany propagandist Joseph Goebbels.

Lieberman, the founder and the leader of the right-wing Yisrael Beiteinu party, has described Erdoğan’s words as “full of hate and incitement.”

“We are talking about the successor to Goebbels,” he was quoted saying by the daily Jerusalem Post.

Erdoğan yesterday accused Israel of complicity in the Egypt coup that ousted President Mohamed Morsi, claiming he had a document proving this involvement.

According to claims, he referred to a video of a press conference held by Israeli Justice Minister Tzipi Livni and French philosopher and author Bernard-Henri Lévy in which the latter displayed his opposition to a possible government led by the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt.

Lieberman has also repeated his opposition to any type of apology for the Mavi Marmara incident in 2010.

Goebbels worked as the minister of propaganda in Nazi Germany from 1933 to 1945.

Egypt Floats Genocide Recognition As Trial Balloon to Warn Turkey

August 21, 2013 By administrator

By Harut Sassounian
Publisher, The California Courier

The Arab Spring in Egypt has turned into a hellish summer with countless casualties.

Ever since the Egyptian military deposed President Mohamed Morsi, one particular foreign leader has been screaming the loudest, demanding his immediate reinstatement. That bellicose leader is Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the Prime Minister of Turkey, a staunch supporter of his fellow Islamist Morsi and the Muslim Brotherhood.

Egypt’s new leaders, backed by large segments of the population, were infuriated especially after Erdogan severely criticized the overthrow of Pres. Morsi and the killing of hundreds of Muslim Brotherhood protesters. Using extremely harsh language, the Turkish Prime Minister condemned the Egyptian military for “carrying out a massacre with its soldiers, police officers, [and] heavy artillery.” Ironically, Erdogan called anyone who keeps silent in the face of injustice, “a voiceless devil.”

There is no question that a human tragedy is unfolding in Egypt and becoming more critical with each passing day. While no one can remain indifferent to the killing and maiming of civilians, the Prime Minister of Turkey is the last person on earth who should be taking such a self-righteous attitude. Anyone who has blood on his hands has no right to demonize others! One does not have to go back into history and recall the genocides committed by Erdogan’s forefathers against Armenians, Assyrians, and Greeks. Just a couple of months ago, the Turkish Prime Minister’s own hands were soaked in blood when he proudly acknowledged that he ordered the police to open fire on unarmed demonstrators in Istanbul, killing five people, blinding 11, and injuring 8,000 others. Thus, Erdogan has been stripped of all moral authority to lecture anyone else on democracy and civil rights.

Erdogan’s repeated meddling in Egypt’s internal affairs and his staunch support for Pres. Morsi and the Muslim Brotherhood escalated the hostilities between the two countries to such a degree that Egypt and Turkey ended up recalling their respective Ambassadors, further disrupting their diplomatic relations. The worsening tension has jeopardized the $2 billion Turkish investment in Egypt and frozen the activities of 300 Turkish businesses in that country.

What a difference a year makes! In May of 2012, when I was visiting Egypt on a lecture tour, a local newspaper refused to publish that part of my interview dealing with the Armenian Genocide. I was informed that given the close relationship between the two Islamist nations, it would be impossible to print anything against Turkey.

Curiously, after Pres. Morsi’s unceremonious departure from power, a series of articles appeared in scores of Egyptian newspapers, detailing the history of the Armenian Genocide, demanding that Turkey pay restitution to the survivors, and calling on Erdogan to acknowledge his country’s criminal past.

To top it all, a surprising twitter message was posted on August 17 by Adly Mansour, Egypt’s Interim President, announcing that his country’s “UN representative tomorrow will sign the international document recognizing the Armenian massacres which were committed by the Turkish army, causing the deaths of one million people.”

Even though Egyptian and Turkish newspapers widely reported the twitter message attributed to the Egyptian President, we were unable to independently confirm its authenticity. However, it is clear that the current Egyptian government and media are intent on using the Armenian Genocide as a way of getting back at Erdogan’s heavy-handed interference in their domestic affairs.

Understandably, most Armenians would be displeased that the victimization of their ancestors is being exploited in a political tug of war between the two countries. Yet, unfortunately, this is politics as usual. If Egypt’s new leaders find it expedient to recognize the Armenian Genocide, this would be a welcome change. It is better to recognize the Genocide, regardless of political motives, than not to recognize it for all the wrong reasons! After all, no one can expect the Egyptian government to take a position on an issue, if it is contrary to its own national interests. In this regard, Egypt is no different from other countries, including the United States and Israel, which periodically dangle acknowledgment of the Armenian Genocide as a Damoclean Sword over the heads of Turkish leaders.

The final decision on the recognition of the Armenian Genocide depends on whatever concessions Cairo is expecting from Ankara. If Egypt, the most populous Arab state, recognizes the Armenian Genocide, that would deal a devastating blow to the Turkish government’s frantic efforts to counter the worldwide commemorations of the Genocide Centennial in 2015.

Turkey Accuses Egypt of Massacre, Egypt Responds by Endorsing Armenian Genocide Declaration

August 21, 2013 By administrator

By Daniel Greenfield

Turkey’s Islamist leader, Prime Minister Erdogan, threw another fit over the defeat of his fellow Islamists in Egypt, and disregarding his own brutal assaults on the Gezi Park protesters, demanded trials and intervention

Erdogan also said Egypt’s leaders should stand a “fair and transparent” trial for what he called a “massacre” that unfolded live on televisions as police smashed two protest camps of supporters of the deposed Islamist president.

“Anyone or any international organization that remains silent and takes no action has the blood of those innocent children on their hands, just like those who carried out the coup.”

Speaking of the blood of innocent children on their hands, Erdogan is backing a murderous Islamist campaign against Syria. And there’s also that pesky Armenian genocide in his country’s political DNA.

So Egypt apparently decided to directly retaliate by hitting Turkey’s sore spot.

Al Bawaba News reported, from the Egyptian President Twitter account, that President Adli Mansour asked Egypt’s UN delegate to sign on the behalf of his Government on the Declaration of recognition of the Armenian Genocide at the United Nations. If such diplomatic move occurs it would be psychological equivalent of President Sadat visiting Israel in 1977.

“While this move is a political retaliation at Prime Minister Recep Erdogan’s aggressive stance against Egypt and in favor of the Ikhwan,” said an observer in Egypt, “this goes beyond the simple retaliation. It shows that the new leading team in Cairo is a group of secular, strategic and long term planning policy makers.

For them to sign on the Armenian Genocide Declaration means that they intend to wage an ideological war against the Islamists and the Jihadists in the region. This is not directed against Turks, particularly secular Turks, this is a strike against Erdogan’s Sultanate and in general terms against the notion of a political Caliphate as a rallying point of all Islamists in the region.”

About Daniel Greenfield

Daniel Greenfield, a Shillman Journalism Fellow at the Freedom Center, is a New York writer focusing on radical Islam. He is completing a book on the international challenges America faces in the 21st century.