After a month holed up in the transit zone of Moscow’s Sheremetyevo airport, Edward J. Snowden, the former intelligence contractor wanted by the United States for leaking details of surveillance programs, has received temporary refugee status in Russia and left the airport, his lawyer said Thursday.
The movement from the airport’s international transit zone marked a significant change in Mr. Snowden’s status for the first time since he left the United States and began leaking details of the National Security Agency’s surveillance.
The refugee status in Russia marks the first formal support from another government for the 30-year-old leaker, and seems likely to elicit strong objections from the United States.
Indeed, Whistleblowers Are Traitors- Traitors to the Traitors
Sibel Edmonds is the Publisher & Editor of Boiling Frogs Post
Don’t Be Traitors to Those Who Have Honorably Betrayed the Real Traitors to the People
Over 200 years ago our Founding Fathers signed the United States Declaration of Independence. They were branded as traitors by their then government. They were traitors to the British Empire. In short, they were traitors.
The most famous offenders of the eighteenth-century English treason laws were the American revolutionaries. The Declaration of Independence violated the 3rd law of treason in this statement: “And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm Reliance on the Protection of divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other out Lives, our Fortunes, and our sacred Honor“: When John Hancock, Samuel Adams, and other founding fathers signed this statement, they did not sign some empty philosophical statement, they signed their death warrant. This action displayed their dedication to the cause of American independence and the ultimate disloyalty to King George the Third.
The Declaration of independence marked the revolutionaries’ acknowledgment that the corruption of the English government was not limited to the Parliament, but extended to the King. For them, this was the point of no return: either the American revolutionaries were going to gain their independence and create a new nation, or, they were going to lose the war to the world’s best army, forfeit everything they owned, ruin their families, and be drawn and quartered. In other words, this was the point when our founding fathers and their revolutionary supporters officially became traitors.
The United States government has been engaged in ongoing, escalating and flagrant violations of the United States Constitution. This is a well-documented and widely-agreed-upon fact. Whether through illegal wiretapping of its citizens, censorship, undeclared wars or prosecution of government critics, the government has been consistently betraying the people’s rights and liberties guaranteed under the Bill of Rights of the United States Constitution. The government has been a traitor to Americans’ privacy and liberties. The government is, and has been, a traitor to the people.
Whether by the government or its extension in the US media, whistleblowers have been portrayed, declared and branded as traitors. By speaking up on government criminalities, by exposing illegalities committed by the government, whether on torture or illegal surveillance or illegal wars … or many other illegalities and abuses of power, whistleblowers have become traitors to the United States government. These Whistleblowers exemplify the ultimate selfless disloyalty to a government engaged in illegalities. That is a fact: whistleblowers are traitors.
Thus, since the United States government is traitor to the American people and their liberties, what would that make the whistleblowers who are traitors to the United States government? Aren’t they traitors to the traitors? And if so, who should the American people be supporting in this great scheme of betrayals, treacheries and traitors? The government as traitors to the people? Or the whistleblowers as traitors to the traitors who have betrayed the people’s rights and liberties?
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Sibel Edmonds is the Publisher & Editor of Boiling Frogs Post and the author of the Memoir Classified Woman: The Sibel Edmonds Story. She is the recipient of the 2006 PEN Newman’s Own First Amendment Award for her “commitment to preserving the free flow of information in the United States in a time of growing international isolation and increasing government secrecy” Ms. Edmonds has a MA in Public Policy and International Commerce from George Mason University, a BA in Criminal Justice and Psychology from George Washington University.
RT Report: NSA’s XKeyscore gives one-click real-time access to almost any internet activity
RT Report:
New revelations about NSA surveillance systems show that it was enough to fill in a short ‘justification’ form before gaining access to any of billions of emails, online chats, or site visit histories through a vast aggregation program called XKeyscore.
The structure of XKeyscore, leaked by the UK’s Guardian newspaper, is sourced from a classified internal presentation from 2008 and a more recent Unofficial User Guide, presumably obtained by Edward Snowden when he was a contractor for the National Security Agency in the past year.
It shows that XKeyscore – then located on 750 servers around 150 sites worldwide – is a vast collection and storage program that served as the entry point for most information that was collected by the NSA. The Guardian claims that in one 30-day period in 2012 the program acquired 41 billion records.
The information is not just metadata – depersonalized analytical usage statistics that allow spies to spot patterns – but includes almost all types of personal information. Using any piece of personal data on a subject – an email address, or the IP address of a computer – an agent could look up all online user activities, such as Google map searches, website visits, documents sent through the internet or online conversations. The service operates both, in real time, and using a database of recently stored information.
All that appears to have been necessary to log into the system is to fill in a compulsory line on a form that gave a reason for why a certain person needed to be investigated. The form was not automatically scanned by the system or a supervisor, and did not require a US legal warrant, as long as the person whose name was typed in was a foreigner (even if his interactions were with a US citizen).
The slides appear to vindicate security specialist Edward Snowden’s claims made during the original video he recorded in Hong Kong last month.
“I, sitting at my desk, could wiretap anyone, from you or your accountant, to a federal judge or even the president, if I had a personal email,” he alleged then.
Mike Rogers, the Republican chairman of the House intelligence committee later said that Snowden was “lying”.
The NSA has issued a statement to the Guardian, which does not now appear to deny the capabilities of XKeyscore, but merely to defend its use.
“NSA’s activities are focused and specifically deployed against – and only against – legitimate foreign intelligence targets in response to requirements that our leaders need for information necessary to protect our nation and its interests,” said the NSA.
Government releases surveillance documents as pressure for transparency mounts
MSN Report:
U.S. Director of National Intelligence James Clapper testifies before the House Select Intelligence Committee on Capitol Hill in Washington, DC, in this April 11, 2013 file photo.
The Director of National Intelligence on Wednesday declassified documents relating to the government’s collection of telephone data, one of the wide-ranging surveillance programs that brought global outcry over privacy concerns after being thrust into the public spotlight by self-proclaimed leaker Edward Snowden.
The documents, which in some places are heavily redacted, were released “in the interest of increased transparency,” the office of James Clapper, the Director of National Intelligence, said in a statement.
The move came as NSA officials returned to Capitol Hill on Wednesday, this time to appear before the Senate Judiciary Committee to discuss the sweeping NSA snooping programs and Snowden’s actions.
Deputy Director John Inglis told the committee that no one has been disciplined over the former security contractor’s leak and his ability to take large amounts of classified data from agency computers.
“No one has offered to resign. Everyone is working hard to understand what happened,” Inglis said.
The three newly released documents include the 2009 and 2011 reports on the government’s “Bulk Collection Program” under the PATRIOT Act. The other record made public was an order from the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court detailing how data should be gathered and stored.
“The custodian of records of [redacted] shall produce to NSA upon service of the appropriate secondary order, and continue production on an ongoing daily basis thereafter for the duration of this order,” the primary order reads.
It originally was not set to be declassified until April 12, 2038.
Snowden offered details to news agencies about a court order calling for Verizon to hand over Americans phone records and the existence of a program called Prism, which collects bulk data of foreign citizens that are suspected to be involved with terrorist organizations.
The declassified documents also contain information about government efforts to gather intelligence on electronic communications. The Dec. 4, 2009 report to the House Intelligence Committee shows that for years the NSA has been collecting records of all Americans emails, including the sender, recipient and time of day the emails were sent.
However the content of those communications have not been collected, according to the report.
Officials have previously acknowledged the bulk collection of emails was terminated in December 2011 after questions arose about its usefulness.
The 2009 document also notes that the collection of phone and email data is “some of the most sensitive” intelligence gathering programs conducted by the government, and warns members of Congress that public disclosure of their existence would cause “exceptionally grave” damage to national security.
The report then describes both the telephone and emails efforts as programs that “operate on a very large scale” and had been authorized by the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court under regular day orders .
In addition to the bulk collection of telephone records being collected under the Patriot Act, the report states that another legal authority — called the “pen register” provisions of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act– authorized the government “to collect similar kinds of information about electronic communications.”
These electronic communications are described in the report as “the ‘to’ and ‘from’ lines in email and time an email is sent– excluding the content of the email and the ‘subject’ line.”
The report adds: “Again, this information is collected pursuant to court order (generally last 90 days) and, under relevant court decisions, is not protected by the Fourth Amendment.”
Both the documents from 2009 and 2011 acknowledge there had been “compliance” problems with both programs.
The 2009 report states that the problems “generally involved the implementation of highly sophisticated techniques” that “in some instances, resulted in the automated tools operating in a manner that was not completely consistent” with court orders.
The problems prompted the NSA to create an “Office of Compliance” to address the problems, the 2009 report states.
The documents also reference security contractors like Snowden, saying that “appropriately trained and authorized technical personnel” may access the government data.
Snowden, who remains stuck at an airport in Moscow awaiting an asylum request to the Russian government, has said he accessed information of the government’s massive intelligence gathering programs while working at intelligence contractor Booz Allen Hamilton.
Also on Wednesday, the British newspaper The Guardian revealed more information about an NSA spying program known as “Xkeyscore,” which the paper reports allows analysts to search through huge databases including emails, online chats and internet history with no prior authorization. The German magazine Der Spiegel first revealed the program’s existence and that Germany’s foreign intelligence service and its domestic intelligence agency were utilizing it.
Last week the House narrowly rejected a proposal that would have severely restricted the NSA’s ability to collect phone records, with some Congress’ most liberal and conservative members voting in accord.
At the Senate Judiciary Committee hearing Wednesday, Sen. Patrick Leahy, D-Vt., pressed intelligence officials for hard numbers on how many potential terror plots have actually been foiled by the call-tracking database –known as Section 215, the Patriot Act provision that authorizes it.
Leahy said he was “far from convinced” that the intelligence officers know how many attacks have been thwarted by the collection of phone records.
He also criticized the documents made public Wednesday for containing little rationale behind the legalization of the program.
“It does not contain any real analysis of the 215 relevance standard,” he said.
Reuters contributed to this report.
Kurdish PKK rebels set September 1, peace deadline for Turkey
July 31, 2013
DIYARBAKIR, Turkey’s Kurdish region,— Kurdish rebels have demanded that the Turkish government take steps to advance the fragile peace process by September or face unspecified action, a pro-Kurdish news agency reported on Wednesday.
“A step must be taken. September 1 is the deadline,” Cemil Bayik, the new hawkish leader of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), was quoted as saying by Firat news agency.
Cemil Bayık, co-chair of the KCK Executive Council said in an interview with Ronahi TV that the September 1st is to be considered a deadline in the process towards peace initiated by jailed Kurdish leader Abdullah Öcalan.
“If no step is taken before September 1, it will be understood that the aim is not a solution,” he said, warning that Kurdish people would then have to defend themselves, without elaborating.
Bayık said that the government should show its genuine will to reach a just and lasting peace by taking the steps require to enhance the process initiated by Öcalan. “If no steps are taken by the government – said Bayık – Kurds will understand that the message the government want to send is not one of peace but one of continuing the conflict and the destruction of the Kurdish people”.
His comments came after the PKK earlier this month issued a “final warning” to the government, accusing it of sabotaging the peace process designed to end nearly three decades of insurgency.
The PKK had criticised the government of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan for building new army barracks in the Kurdish region,www.ekurd.net while allowing Kurdish militias to continue operating on behalf of the regular army.
Jailed PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan has been in negotiations since late 2012 with Turkish authorities for an end to the Kurdish conflict.
Ocalan, serving a life sentence for treason and separatism on Imrali island off Istanbul since 1999, announced a historic ceasefire with the government in March.
As part of the truce, the PKK agreed to withdraw its estimated 2,000 fighters from Turkey to their bases in Iraq’s Kurdistan region.
In return, it is seeking wider constitutional rights for Turkey’s 23 million Kurds.
But the peace process has been rattled by the death of a young Kurdish man during an anti-government protest in the Kurdish majority southeast last month.
Since it was established in 1984, the PKK has been fighting the Turkish state, which still denies the constitutional existence of Kurds, , who make up around 22.5 million of the country’s 75-million population, to establish a Kurdish state in the south east of the country. By 2013 more than 45,000 people have since been killed.
But now its aim is the creation an autonomous region and more cultural rights for ethnic Kurds who constitute the greatest minority in Turkey, its goal to political autonomy. A large Turkey’s Kurdish community openly sympathise with PKK rebels.
The PKK wants constitutional recognition for the Kurds, regional self-governance and Kurdish-language education in schools.
PKK’s demands included releasing PKK detainees, lifting the ban on education in Kurdish, paving the way for an autonomous democrat Kurdish system within Turkey, reducing pressure on the detained PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan, stopping military action against the Kurdish party and recomposing the Turkish constitution.
Turkey refuses to recognize its Kurdish population as a distinct minority. It has allowed some cultural rights such as limited broadcasts in the Kurdish language and private Kurdish language courses with the prodding of the European Union, but Kurdish politicians say the measures fall short of their expectations.
Copyright ©, respective author or news agency, AFP | firatnews.com | Ekurd.net | Agencies
Helen Thomas: American Icon – Part I”
We Must Never Forget By Mark Mondalek
Helen Thomas was a patriot.
“You have to believe in something,” she once told me, “Believe in democracy.”
Patriotism is, of course, a relative thing. Shamefully, it has almost become a dirty word these days, increasingly harbored by those who take the word of the government as though it were scripture; those who behave permissive of the Washington war machine; don’t doubt, don’t ask why.
I guess I shouldn’t find it quite so coincidental that, as the constitutional rights of Americans continue to be squandered away in greater and greater furtherance to the principles of democracy, so goes the conceptual understanding of what it means to be a true patriot as well.
This was precisely the sort of existential conundrum that Thomas railed against throughout her entire career, especially after 9/11. In the buildup to the Iraq War, Thomas looked on helplessly as a cloak of patriotic fear swept over the vast majority of her colleagues and she was further isolated as one of the lone voices of dissent. She maintained a strong belief that the entire tragedy itself might have been averted altogether had the press just simply done their job, a sentiment that was deeply signified in her book, Watchdogs of Democracy?: The Waning Washington Press Corps and How It Has Failed the Public, bravely written almost four year years prior to her untimely retirement in June 2010.
Helen Thomas was my cousin. She was first cousins with my grandmother. They both grew up together in Detroit, separated in age by only a few months. She would introduce me as her nephew sometimes, just because it was easier that way.
But we were really cousins.
I met Helen for the first time the summer of 2011. After arriving at her quaint Washington apartment––jet-lagged and surreally toasting a glass of white wine with the Helen Thomas inside her living room––the first thing that I could think to do, as a sort of token of our shared commonalities, was to present her with a small photograph of my grandmother that was taken when she was about 20 years old; smiling prettily with her long, curly locks of dark, Lebanese hair.
Instantaneously, Helen leaned forward and gave it a kiss.
I admit it’s been a bit overwhelming to see the many news articles and dedications about Helen scattered all over the Internet in the days following her death on July 20, 2013. While querying different publications all across the nation with the one-on-one interviews that I’d accumulated over the course of two years, there were times in which I felt as though I was peddling some kind of leper, a blacklisted McCarthyist victim of sorts, not one of the most iconic figures in journalistic history.
“I have contempt for a lot of reporters,” she freely admitted to me during one of our early interview sessions, portions of which have just recently been published here.
“They don’t ask the question,” she continued on. “They go with the flow. They go with the story of whatever is going on instead of asking why.
“I think they go with the pack. They want to be on the right side. They don’t want to stand out.”
And as for the secret to asking those tough questions, the very skill in which she stacked an entire career upon: “Just ask them! If anything occurs to you—why? Why did you do this? Why did you do that? Just ask it.”
The simplicity of it still astounds me.
Thomas was, after all, a woman who led by actions. She didn’t operate like politicians, speaking in endless droves and circles. She existed within the minutiae of our political reality. She knew that the roots of our democracy ultimately reside in but the most simplest of questions. In a world where so many of the nation’s elite are beset to simply rest on their laurels; sit comfortably in the seats of prosperity that they have forged for themselves, Helen Thomas––not unlike Bradley Manning, Edward Snowden, Sibel Edmonds, and other notable patriots of this century––wasn’t afraid to risk it all in order to speak her own piece of truth upon the world. I can’t think of many greater ways of honoring democracy than that.
Prior to her passing, I had been very preoccupied with understanding the notion of why we choose to honor or remember certain individuals for the deeds that they accomplished. I see now that it is not for the purposes of ego or flattery. It is not simply because it’s the right thing to do or that it’s somehow expected of us. It’s really for the sake of future generations that the torch must continue to be carried, for once the flame of a true original finally burns out at last, we suddenly become alive to the understanding that we will never see another one like them ever again––not in a million years.
Just as we wish to bestow upon our children the reality of a world in which dinosaurs once roamed or alert them to the knowledge of a man named Jefferson who once penned a declaration, it’s just as so that we teach them about a woman by the name of Helen who, when she saw a door that was open just a crack, didn’t simply squeak past it––she flung it wide open.
To quote from George Orwell’s now-widely referenced 1984: “Who controls the past controls the future… who controls the present controls the past.”
I believe that it is in the best interest of certain people to erase the memory of a woman like Helen Thomas from the country’s collective consciousness; sweep her from the history books and denigrate her accomplishments. Therefore, our collective duty is very simple: we must never forget.
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Mark Mondalek – BFP contributing author, is a writer and editor based in Detroit.
US system of information control is beginning to crack because of the Manning case – Mark Mason told RT
University of California anthropologist Mark Mason told RT
We have a desperate US administration trying to hold together the ‘American Empire’ as the information about its illegal activities is getting out through the cracks, University of California anthropologist Mark Mason told RT.
The US government has fish to fry bigger than Manning, the one they want to catch is Julian Assange, Mason added.
RT: What’s your reaction to the ruling?
Mark Mason: This is a landmark court decision. The judge essentially sided that journalism is not treason. This is really all about, not only of course Bradley Manning, but the attack on journalism and WikiLeaks and Julian Assange. The US Government and Obama administration, they really have bigger fish to fry, they are after Julian Assange that is the one they want to catch. They are in a state of like catatonic terror about WikiLeaks, that is really their goal.
RT: What impact do you think this case will have on investigative journalism?
MM: I will not diminish the importance of the judges’ decision. And yet on Friday we had a Federal Appellate Court order James Reason a New York Times reporter to reveal his sources in court so on Friday we had an attack from the Appeals Court and we can expect that the Obama administration will follow up with the current attack. We have a massive attack on free speech and on freedom of the press, and they are going to go after Julian Assange.
RT: Manning’s fate has been decided by a judge alone – that was his choice. Why do you think he didn’t want a military jury to do that?
MM: That had been on discussion, I would like to be privy to the discussion between Bradley Manning and his attorneys. My suspicion is that with the military court system, the juries if he had chosen to using the jury trial system, the juries would have been appointed to by the commanding officer of the post, still they are not selected randomly as they are in civil trial. Also I think that may have had a major factor in this.
RT: So has Manning become something of a martyr for free speech?
MM: Bradley Manning is a civil liberties hero. He will go down in history. People will be reading about him two hundred years from now about sacrifices of Bradley Manning, Edward Snowden and other whistleblowers of this period, Daniel Ellsberg and others. He has sacrificed his future for defending the right of Americans to know about US war crimes, this comes back to the larger context here, that we have the wrong person in the court. George Bush should be sitting in a court room facing charges for war crimes. And this is a story that will be told hundreds of years from now about the courageous acts of Bradley Manning.
RT: Manning’s supporters say he made ‘a personal sacrifice’ – what do you think he achieved by this sacrifice?
MM: The Obama administration is really on the run due to the courageous acts of Edward Snowden, Bradley Manning and other whistleblowers. Information is actually getting out through the cracks out to the people about the illegal activities and illegal NSA spy programs, the illegal wars. So I think that we have a desperate administration that is trying to hold together the ‘American Empire’ and that is Obama’s job, he is just another guy, he is a temporary assistant holding down the job of maintaining the ‘Empire’ for four years. That’s what Presidents are. And so we really have a constitutional crisis, the United States is in a constitutional crisis right now.
Again a list of all the violations of the Constitution, the 1st Amendment the 4th Amendment, the 5th Amendment certainly are all being violated by all three branches of the government. A recent public opinion poll which released just days ago showed that 70% of the American public believe that the American government is collecting information about Americans and using it for purposes that have nothing whatsoever to do with spying. Americans are not supposed to know that, they are supposed to be controlled through the mass media, through 5 mega corporations that control and manage public opinion here in the United States. So the control over public opinion is a linchpin of elite control on the United States and the government represents the interests of bankers, the military contractors, big oil and big farmer and such. And this system of information control is beginning to crack and this comes back again to Bradley Manning and WikiLeaks and the importance of Obama targeting both Bradley Manning and Julian Assange.
RT: US Army Private Bradley Manning has been convicted of all but two charges in the Wikileaks case – how badly do you think this is going to go for him?
MM: That is my understanding Bradley Manning has already pre-trial pled guilty to certain charges and those are already on the book so to speak. He has found guilty to 19 of 20 charges. My understanding is that Bradley Manning will be subjected to a minimum of 20 years in prison. Even though as you mentioned and noted carefully that the judge has discarded the argument that he was committing treason.
Waltzing Around Denial: A Response to Jirair Libaridian
Posted on July 30, 2013 by The Armenian Weekly:
In early June, a conference held in Tbilisi, Georgia, generated great controversy. The individual and organization at the heart of this conference have, for much of the past decade, been actively engaged in efforts to extend the denial of the Armenian Genocide into academia as well as in the political realm in North America.
The Armenian Weekly published a report outlining the problem as we saw it, quoting five scholars who weighed in on the issue. We also reprinted Asbarez Editor Ara Khatchatourian’s editorial on the subject, and a letter to the editor from George Aghjayan, in our opinion pages.
Almost all of the scholars from Armenia who were scheduled to speak at the conference subsequently withdrew.
Also in early June, Prof. Jirair Libaridian, who was scheduled to deliver a keynote speech at the Tbilisi conference, contacted the Weekly asking for the opportunity to respond. This month, we received and published his six-page response, which was incidentally much longer than the articles he was responding to combined.
While it is for the readers to judge whether Prof. Libaridian’s arguments adequately address the concerns previously expressed in the Weekly, several points necessitate a short editorial response:
1) Prof. Libaridian calls the Turkish Coalition of America (TCA) “an organization accused of being at the forefront of denialist efforts in American academia.” This is a rather charitable description, to put it mildly. The TCA’s denialist record, highlighted in our articles, speaks for itself. There is even a U.S. federal appeals court decision designating the TCA as engaging in genocide denial. Yet, it seems, no amount of evidence is conclusive enough for Prof. Libaridian. Ironically, this is a common strategy for genocide deniers as well, who profess to be unconvinced regardless of the amount of conclusive evidence one throws at them. We believe that there is more than enough information available for Prof. Libaridian, or any other informed reader, to conclude whether these are “accusations” or “facts.”
2) Prof. Libaridian accuses the Weekly of a “lack of professionalism” for not consulting him before publishing the editorial, the letter to the editor, and the opinions by five scholars. Yet, we are entitled to have a position on this matter, and to express it in our pages. When Libaridian approached us with a request to respond, we welcomed it too.
3) Prof. Libaridian alleges that we did not produce “an article that informed the public of the basic facts and the essence of the controversy.” The essence of the controversy is explained clearly in our article: “The individual and organization at the heart of this conference have, for much of the past decade, been actively engaged in efforts to extend the denial of the Armenian Genocide into academia as well as in the political realm in North America.” We believe that this is where discussion of the matter begins. Interestingly, Prof. Libaridian, in a lengthy interview published on the Groong Armenian News Network prior to the conference, neglected to even mention the Turkish Coalition of America (as if it were peripheral to the discussion). Even in his response to the Weekly, he neglected to address the track record of the TCA and its impact on the conference. If anyone is avoiding “basic facts,” it is not the Weekly.
4) Prof. Libaridian asks, “Wasn’t it possible for the editors of these newspapers to imagine that another writer could produce quotes by another five scholars or more whose opinions regarding participation in the Tbilisi conference would be the opposite of what five protagonists quoted in that article had to say?” Yes, such a scenario is, indeed, possible. It is also possible for Prof. Libaridian or any individual to produce quotes by five scholars who deny the Armenian Genocide. Or five scholars who deny the Holocaust, the Rwandan Genocide, or global warming. There are people with all kinds of opinions everywhere.
5) “At the end, we are not talking about the factuality of the Genocide; rather we are looking at the politics of Genocide recognition,” argues Prof. Libaridian. But when the latter undermines the former, in our opinion, are we not allowed to express that opinion?
6) Prof. Libaridian asks, “Why is the assault against the participants directed against scholars of Armenian origin?” First, the Weekly made no “assault.” It offered the informed, critical remarks of five individuals for whom Libaridian professes “great respect.” Second, none of the scholars interviewed made it an issue of Armenian versus non-Armenian scholars. We believe scholars—Armenians, Turks, or others—who take part in such conferences are legitimizing denial and, worse, giving credibility to one of the most virulent denialist-funding institutions. This is our strongly held opinion. Expressing it does not constitute an assault.
7) He further asks, “Will the denialists disappear if we boycott their conferences? Is a conference best left to denialists?” No, Prof. Libaridian, they will not disappear; but, yes, we believe that denialist-funded and denialist-organized conferences are best left to denialists. Is there any compelling evidence to suggest that the denialists will disappear if we embrace them and legitimize their conferences through participation? Moreover, how is it helpful for genocide recognition to engage with the most regressive, rabidly anti-Armenian agents of genocide denial?
8) Prof. Libaridian asks, “Are Armenians in the same situation regarding the international recognition of the Genocide as Jews are regarding that of the Holocaust?” No, we are not in the same situation. And had Holocaust scholars not had the wisdom to marginalize Holocaust deniers decades ago, they would still be arguing with fringe elements because denialists will never be satisfied with any amount of evidence presented.
9) “Can we be sure that Turkish or other scholars who share our pain but do not use the term genocide or who do not agree to reparations are less ‘dangerous’ than those who openly oppose the use of the term?” Prof. Libaridian repeats variants of this argument several times. However, there is a difference between scholars and institutions that do not use the term “genocide,” and an institution that spends millions of dollars filing lawsuits against scholars and institutions of higher learning and bullying legislatures to deny the genocide.
10) Prof. Libaridian says, “The conference was being held with the co-sponsorship of the most important university in Georgia, a critical neighbor of Armenia, with the participation of many scholars and others from that country and elsewhere who would have heard only a denialist position had Armenian scholars not participated.” Here, it is Libaridian himself who is making the issue one of Armenian scholars vs. non-Armenian ones. Moreover, we believe that any Georgian or other scholar would have, one hopes, the common sense to ask the question, Why aren’t Armenian scholars present? The answer would be clear.
11) “There were no limitations on what and how I could discuss and no request was made, nor could one be accepted, for prior approval of my talk,” writes Libaridian. Of course there were no limitations. Because the entire point of the denialist is to say: “Look, we are discussing the matter! ‘Both sides’ are represented! The ‘debate’ is ongoing!” They know they cannot prove that the genocide did not take place; they also know that they do not need to. They just need to manufacture doubt.
12) “Turkey and the Turkish world represent a complex reality. Turkey or Turks cannot be seen as good or bad.” We do not require a lecture on the complexities of Turkey from Prof. Libaridian. The Weekly has regularly provided a forum for Turkish writers who embody this complexity, as well as a venue to discuss the changing perceptions of Turkey and Turks among Armenians. However, in this “complex” reality, we do not wish to engage with the most regressive elements, those pouring millions into denial. There are many others with whom we can engage and are engaging across the spectrum.
13) “One cannot engage in these processes expecting to achieve a desired goal by arbitrarily defining safe moral/intellectual limits for oneself, leaving out what may disturb one’s comfortable scholarly and quasi-political world.” No, not “arbitrarily.” However, there are always moral limits to be drawn as journalists, writers, and scholars. It is far from “arbitrary” to draw a line at playing into the hands of a denialist state and those who advance its policies. To those who draw the line elsewhere, we wish them luck. But we hope we have the right to express the opinion, strongly, that ours is a different path.
14) In his reference to Prof. Hovannisian—in which he compares TCA with UCLA! –Prof. Libaridian seems to have no interest in understanding the issue at stake here. His analogy only makes sense if Prof. Hovannisian had invited Shaw to present “the Turkish side of the story” in his classes and conferences, or had agreed to represent “the Armenian point of view” in Shaw’s.
15) Finally, Prof. Libaridian asks if it “is incontestable, irrefutable, incontrovertible, that somehow they [the five scholars quoted in the Weekly article] have managed to find the ultimate truth, the ultimate value, and the ultimate morality.” This is a non-question and normative moral relativism, at best. One can ask that question about anything and everything. And in so doing, one will end up lacking an opinion, a position, a moral compass on anything.
Richard Hovannisian Lectures In The Georgian Republic
TBILISI, Georgia—Professor Richard Hovannisian was invited to Tbilisi (Tiflis) by the Georgian National Archives to participate in a week-long seminar, July 17-23, on the First Georgian Democratic Republic. As a pioneering historian of the First Armenian Republic, Hovannisian was seen as a model for the young Georgian, Armenian, Azeri, Russian, Lithuanian, Polish, Italian, French, British, and American scholars in attendance.
During the presentations by Georgian lecturers on the historical, constitutional and legislative, political, social, economic, cultural, educational, religious, military, and interethnic aspects of the Georgian Republic, Professor Hovannisian regularly offered constructive comments and comparative insights. The seminar included excursions to the old city of Tiflis, its former Armenian upper class Solalaki quarter, Freedom (formerly Yerevan) Square, Rustaveli (formerly Golovinsky) Prospect, with its government buildings and grand former Armenian mansions, the Georgian National Library and Manuscript Center, the Opera and State Museum, and the historic capital city of Mtskheta. In addition, a day was spent on the heights of Kojori, where the final battles took place before the Red Army advanced into Tiflis in March, 1921 to end the Georgian Democratic Republic and begin the period of the Georgian Soviet Socialist Republic.
While in Georgia, Richard Hovannisian was invited by the Armenian Prelate of the Georgian Diocese, Bishop Vazgen Mirzakhanyan and head of the Legal Division, Mr. Levon Isakulyan, to address Armenian youth leaders at a summer training program at nearby Tserovani. Representatives from throughout Georgia—Tbilisi, Batum, Tsalka, Marnaul, Bolnis, Akhalkalak, and Akhaltsikh—heard Hovannisian speak about the First Armenian Democratic Republic and issues relating to the 100th Anniversary of the Armenian Genocide, in which the Georgian Armenian youth showed great interest.
Hovannisian joined His Eminence and the youth group on a pilgrimage to the Armenian Pantheon, a small part of the former vast Armenian Khojavank cemetery in the Halvabar quarter of Tbilisi to plant a tree near the monuments of Raffi, Sundukian, and other noted Armenian writers and intellectuals. Much of Khojavank and its Church of Holy Mother of God (Astvatsadzin) were demolished at the command of Stalin’s henchman, Lavrenty Beria, in the 1930’s. Recently, the enormous Georgian Orthodox Cathedral of the Holy Trinity has been built on the site of the cemetery, exposing numerous tombs, about which various protests proved to be of no avail. Down the hill from the cathedral is the Armenian “Etchmiadzin” Church and just across the Kura River, the Armenian Cathedral of Saint Gevorg.
The week of conferences, talks, and excursions proved both interesting and instructive for the seminar participants. It was apparent that until recently the Georgian scholars and public had far less knowledge and awareness of the First Georgian Republic than Armenians had about their First Republic, perhaps because of the existence of a large Armenian Diaspora during the Soviet years.
US Intel. Report: All Armenians Demand Lands from Turkey
BY HARUT SASSOUNIAN
The recently announced demand for lands from Turkey by the Prosecutor General of Armenia attracted much attention from Armenians worldwide and harsh criticism from the Turkish government. While this was the first time that an Armenian official had raised this issue since the country’s independence in 1991, the demand itself is not new. Armenians have been seeking the return of their historic territories from Turkey for decades.
A confidential 1943 document, declassified by the Central Intelligence Agency, reveals that the US government was well aware of the Armenian demands for recognition of the “atrocities” and return of Turkish occupied “provinces.”
The document dated December 13, 1943, authored by the Office of Strategic Services (OSS), the predecessor of the CIA, stated: “All the Armenian press in the United States is active in keeping the Turkish Armenian massacres fresh in the minds of its readers. Fearful that the Axis atrocities of the present war [World War II] will eclipse the atrocities of the last when the final reckoning comes, they are anxious to keep alive the Armenian case against Turkey. Armenians have present as well as past grievances against Turkey, whose capital levy tax ‘Varlik’ falls harder on Armenians than on any other minority group in Turkey. Even more unforgivable in the eyes of Armenians is the fact that Turkey holds provinces which, they are firmly convinced, belong rightfully to Armenia. Restitution of these provinces to Armenia is the goal of all Armenians.” Elsewhere in the document, OSS accurately reported that “Armenians, almost without exception, entertain feelings of deepest suspicion, hostility, and fear” toward Turkey.
A second declassified confidential document dated July 31, 1944, carries a surprising title: “Tashnags Turn to Soviet Russia.” The OSS indicated that “the once uncompromisingly anti-Soviet Armenian Revolutionary Federation (Tashnags) officially changed its spots, and the swing toward support of the Soviet Union, which has been growing gradually more perceptible during the last few months, has culminated in the adoption of a pro-Soviet policy at the Federation’s annual convention held in Boston the first week of July.” This OSS report was prepared as the Soviet Union had announced its intention to claim the Eastern provinces of Turkey (Kars, Ardahan, and Surmalou) in a post-World War II settlement. The Soviet claim was backed by the Armenian Church, the Soviet Armenian government and the Diaspora, including the anti-Soviet Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF).
The OSS astutely reported: “The Tashnags have never actually renounced their dream of a free and independent Armenia, including the Turkish irredenta, which has kept them at loggerheads with the USSR, ever since Armenia was established as a Soviet [illegible] in 1920. … With the vision of independence fading, the now Soviet-friendly Tashnags are turning their attention to the acquisition of the Turkish provinces of Armenia by the Soviet Armenian Republic.”
In explaining ARF’s post-war expectations, OSS stated: “If, as the Tashnags believe and hope, Turkey remains neutral [in World War II], she will be in a highly vulnerable position, and one item of payment for her neutrality, according to Mr. [James] Mandalian [editor of the Boston-based ARF newspaper Hairenik], would be the cession of Turkish Armenia to Soviet Armenia.”
The 1943 OSS document also contained a lengthy report on the Armenian-American press, focusing its attention on six of the 17 Armenian newspapers in the United States: “Hairenik and Asbarez (Tashnag)” classified as “rightist-nationalist;” “Baikar, Nor Or (Ramgavar)” and “Eritassard Hayastan (Hunchag)” classified as “liberal;” and Lraper (Armenian Progressive League of America)” classified as “leftist-Communist.” The last two newspapers are no longer in publication.
According to OSS, Hairenik and Asbarez are “strongly nationalist, anti-Soviet, and anti-Communist,” while Baikar is “resolutely opposed to the Tashnags and their principles. The Ramgavars have accepted the incorporation of Armenia into the Soviet Union as the most satisfactory way out of Armenian problems, and many articles are printed in Baikar extolling the Soviet regime in Armenia, particularly in its relations to the Armenian Apostolic Church.”
OSS estimated that the 95,000 Armenians in the United States in 1943, mostly settled in Massachusetts, New York, and California, “retain a keen interest in the affairs of their homeland [Soviet Armenia], though few, if any, would go back there.”